Author Archives: Abahlali_3

Unfreedom Day Land Occupation: Police assault activists

http://www.amandla.org.za/home-page/1735-camilla-rose-coutts

Unfreedom Day Land Occupation: Police assault activists

by Camilla Rose Coutts

On 27 April 2013 Abahlali baseMjondolo (AbM), the largest organisation of the militant poor in post-apartheid South Africa, established in Durban in 2005. Released a press statement entitled “Marikana: A New Land Occupation Founded on UnFreedom Day 2013.”

The statement says: “Members of Abahlali baseMjondolo of the Western Cape have occupied a piece of vacant land in Philippi, Cape Town. Shacks have been built and families have moved in to their new homes. The new land occupation has been called ‘Marikana’. We call it Marikana because our sisters and brothers organised themselves there and some of our brothers died there and we too are organising ourselves peacefully and are willing to die for our struggle.

We are the community of Philippi East. Most of us are unemployed and don’t have a place to stay. That is why we decided to reclaim this vacant and unused land and to make it a place for people to stay.

The DA has a record of violently imposing unlawful and unconstitutional evictions on the poor in Cape Town. The law of the land states clearly that no one can be evicted from their home without an order of the court. Sheldon Magardie, the Director of the Legal Resources Centre in Cape Town, has explained this clearly: http://westcapenews.com/?p=2960

If the DA tries to evict these families without a court order their action will be unconstitutional and criminal. We will use legal procedures and collective action to protect ourselves against any unlawful eviction.

The state is failing to resolve the housing crisis. Therefore it is necessary for the poor to take matters into our own hands. It is up to us to win our own freedom.”

I arrived at Marikana, Philippi close to 11am this morning. There was a heavy police presence, some 500metres up the road from the newly built area, Marikana. Six police vehicles, bakkies and riot vans, and a Casper. Police are dressed with protected padding and riot helmets.

I ask an officer “What is going on?”

“Nothing,” he says, “Why would you ask?”

“Because there are an awful lot of police vans.” I say.

Another officer walks up to me. He asks if I am media. I tell him I am not. He points at my camera.

“Is that a camera?”

“Yes, it is a camera.”

“Then you are media.”

“I do not work for any publication. I am on not media.”

“What are you?”

“I am a student.”

“You shouldn’t be here. It is dangerous.” He says.

“Why would it be dangerous, if nothing is happening?”

“You don’t want people to start throwing stones.”

At Marikana the residents stand huddled in a group. Cindy, Abahlali baseMjondolo’s Cape Town representative explains that the residents had put the shacks up the previous week. And they had been demolished.

The residents had lived in the bush until they found materials to rebuild.

Cindy explains that law enforcers came this morning and put crosses on the shacks. When residents asked why they are planning to demolish this side and not that side – indicating the still new but more established shacks on the same land that had also gone through several demolitions.

The law enforcers had said they were different, those shacks had been there quite long but their shacks were new. They did not present a court order, and could not give residents a person to contact.

Residents were told to remove the contents of their shacks, or the shacks would be demolished with their possessions inside.

Cindy says, “When residents asked for protection [from the police against law enforcers] they say they are also here to protect the law enforcement, and we ask the cops to ask them if they do have a court order. They [the police] say they don’t have a court order.”

We are told that Law Enforcement will arrive in five minutes to start the removal.

A police bakkie filled with men in yellow vests, a truck and the Casper. The men in the bakkie are wielding iron rods or crow bars; they are not close enough to tell.

An eye witness, AbM supporter, later states that, “Ten out of twelve shacks were demolished, a young lady was shot twice with rubber bullets, and some other people had minor assault injuries.

Police assaulted residents. Two people were arrested, one was a resident and the other an AbM activist called Tumi.

They were released around 8pm on bail of R1, 500; they will appear at 9am on fabricated charges of public violence.

Both prisoners were released because of pressure by the community which protested outside the police station for five hours.”

Padkos: How many of us must die?

How many of us must die?

Reminder to come to the Padkos Bioscope (@ CLP offices) at 1pm on Tuesday, 30 April. We’ll be watching: “La Via Campesina in movement: … Food Sovereignty Now!”, a 20-minute documentary produced by the global movement of peasants and the landless, La Via Campesina.

Around Easter this year there were good reasons to be thinking about death and its meanings. For Christians there is a focus on the execution of Jesus, even if the story is ultimately of resurrection. But the hope of resurrection is properly meaningful only in light of the stark truth of the death that precedes it.

No amount of heretical spiritualising should ever hide the political character of Jesus’ execution. Here was a militant who refused to know his place in the politico-religious order of the day. Even more dangerous, he rallied many others behind the idea that they too were not predestined to servitude and oppression – they too should take their rightful place as the daughters and sons of God no less! And so those for whom this scandalous logic of egalitarianism is deeply threatening, plotted to kill him. And they killed Cícero Guedes of Brazil in January; and they killed Andries Tatane of Meqheleng in 2011, and they killed family members of Abahlali baseMjondolo (AbM) leaders of KwaNdengezi in 2013 – and then Abahlali says:

“on the eve of Easter when Christians remember the resurrection of Jesus Christ, we have one question to poor people struggling across the country: How many of us must die before we rise up, defeat the forces of oppression and their politic of fear and death and build a new society that recognises the full and equal dignity of every person? We will not stop our struggle until the land, wealth and power of this world are shared fairly”
(Abahlali baseMjondolo, ‘Murder in kwaNdengezi’, 30 March 2013).

In this edition of Padkos we have consolidated three short and powerful pieces:

* the above-mentioned statement from the South African shack-dweller movement, Abahlali baseMjondolo (AbM)
* a statement from the Landless Peoples Movement (MST) of Brazil on the death of Cícero Guedes
* an editorial from the City Press newspaper on the failure to convict Andries Tatane’s killers.

Apart from the appalling fact that they have clearly been targeted for violent elimination, there are other important and disturbing parallels in the stories of Guedes, of Tatane, and of the leaders of AbM in kwaNdengezi. First, like so many heroes of freedom, they too refused their ‘place’ of servitude and insisted on their fundamental humanity. Refusing to be mere objects of the elites that trample, insult and exploit, they became subjects of their own and their communities’ history. The rhetorical claim that our societies value active citizenship and selfless commitment to the people is, in fact, a cruel lie. It is perfectly clear that, on the contrary, those who put these values into practice risk their own and their families’ lives. Some decades ago we in South Africa might have entertained the hope that this fact was characteristic only of dictatorial and undemocratic regimes – but both Brazil and South Africa are hailed as ‘democratic’ countries.

But these deaths take us back to conclusions we drew in an earlier piece on ‘The Dark Corners of the State We’re In’ (CLP 2011) that brought together insights and reflections after the attack on AbM in Kennedy Road in 2009:

In the mythology of liberal democracy, the rights and freedoms of citizens are held to be the frame within which we all work together to solve our common problems and build a common, better future. AbM’s struggle has repeatedly spelt out a number of those challenges that really do need urgent and collective resolution if the harsh realities of life of the poor are to be put behind us. But, as one participant put it:

‘even if it was possible to do something about the legal, the economic, the environmental, the basic support services, that is, the immediate practical problems, there is something even more disturbing shadowing them – the strong suggestion that recent events show that those who attempt seriously to confront these problems will not be allowed to do so. That the more successful the attempt to solve the problems of poverty, the more those who hold power, or seek power, feel threatened’.

Thus it is not simply that ‘democracy’ does not exist for the poor. It is violently denied the poor when they abandon their allocated places as passive and silent objects of others’ projects, and assume instead their place as subjects of their own life” (CLP 2011).

The Gospel of Mark (in chapter 3) tells the story of Jesus’ healing encounter with “The Man with a Withered Hand”.

Again he [Jesus] entered the synagogue, and a man was there who had a withered hand. They watched him to see whether he would cure him on the sabbath, so that they might accuse him. And he said to the man who had the withered hand, ‘Come forward.’ Then he said to them, ‘Is it lawful to do good or to do harm on the sabbath, to save life or to kill?’ But they were silent. He looked around at them with anger; he was grieved at their hardness of heart and said to the man, ‘Stretch out your hand.’ He stretched it out, and his hand was restored. The Pharisees went out and immediately conspired with the Herodians against him, how to destroy him.

Why does this set of actions lead so immediately to a conspiracy – between Pharisees and Herodians who usually detested each other – to kill Jesus? First, it’s important to see the architecture of ritual and elite power that marks out space in the synagogue where the story unfolds. That architecture, and the rubric of the clean and the unclean, was all about reserving any access to power, or the mediation of power, to the class of religio-political experts and rulers. Condensed into the Gospel account above is a series of systematic and deliberate violations of all those codes of religious orthodoxy by Jesus – an explicit refusal to know his place. That he’s entered the synagogue at all is worth noting – and he proceeds to work on the sabbath presuming to act in the name of God’s power. The man with a withered hand falls into the category of the unclean. Instead of preserving the order of things, Jesus instructs him to ‘come forward’ into the centre of the synagogue – the refusal of place is not reserved for leaders and celebrity-activists, it is universal and egalitarian. And then of course the ‘miracle’ is achieved by simply telling the guy: “Do the thing you’re not allowed to do”.

So we register our outrage at the killings and recommit to the scandalous promise of the resurrection.

Action note: Soon after Guedes’ killing, another MST militant, Regina dos Santos Pinho, was brutally murdered in February in the settlement Zumbi dos Palmares, state of Rio de Janeiro. In response, the MST have initiated a “Campaign against Impunity” with an online petition (here).

Venezuela: Lessons for South Africa

http://www.groundup.org.za/content/venezuela-lessons-south-africa

Venezuela: Lessons for South Africa

Selby Nomnganga

Hugo Chavez’s chosen successor Nicolas Maduro, has scraped through with a lead of 240,000 votes against the opposition of Henrique Capriles. Maduro is to lead the Venezuelan state in continuing the program of social reforms known as the Bolivarian Missions, where the state after nationalising the oil company, used that revenue for the betterment of the poorest sectors of society. Health care, housing and education are made available through the Missions.
The opposition has cried foul, claiming about three thousand instances of fraud. So far protests have led to the deaths of nine people. Within a democratic system, voting is one way to decide an impasse. In this case the elections were as a result of the constitutional prescripts to elect a successor after the passing of Chavez. Once you count the votes and the other person has one or more votes than you, you have lost! The opposition in Venezuela have lost the election by more than one vote.

It is an opposition that is determined to reverse the gains that the Missions provide to the poor of Venezuela. They want to wrest back the proceeds from oil into private companies. It is this opposition that lost an election in 2002 and orchestrated an unsuccessful coup to remove Chavez and his socialists from government.

The friends and backers of the Capriles should tell him that George W. Bush stole the elections in the United States in 2000 and it was accepted. No one died in the streets as a result. From my experience of elections at local or national level in South Africa there is always an element of irregularity: intimidation, misrepresentation, bribery, fraud and lies.

A democratic system must provide peaceful avenues for people to settle disputes. It is for this reason that it is unacceptable that when Uhuru Kenyatta lost the election in Kenya in 2007, violence broke out and many lives were lost. In Zimbabwe Robert Mugabe of Zanu-PF stole an election he lost to Morgan Tsvangirai of the Movement for Democratic Change.

In South Africa this should be a major concern given that the governing ANC government and the leadership elite within it, use their positions to accumulate wealth for private gain. There are countless cases like the 40% vehicle discount that Tony Yengeni received and ended with him being found guilty of corruption. There are many more cases in front of the courts. The scary part is that already within the ANC, there are political assassinations attributed to the fight for power in the organisation and by extension the public purse. Abahlali Basemjondolo in Kwazulu-Natal has demonstrated how the local ANC is hell bent on silencing the civic voices that intend to keep local government accountable. The documentary Dear Mandela, which captures the struggle for housing and lays bare the period we are in.

Keeping the local government accountable and transparent on how public funds are spent, mis- and under-spent requires a national movement that can provide linkages and share experiences and offer solidarity so that activists are not isolated within their own localities.

According to Tariq Ali who knew Chavez, the elite in Venezuela is laden with racism that regarded Chavez as “… uncouth and uncivilised, a zambo of mixed African and indigenous blood….” And his supporters were portrayed as monkeys on private TV networks.

Maduro and the Socialist party in Venezuela have lost votes compared to the presidential election of 6 October 2012, where the opposition was beaten by 11%. Some attribute the loss of votes to the absence of the charming personality of Hugo Chavez and the rising crime levels, unfinished projects and the recession that the economy is going through. Some of the problems are identified as the parallel black market exchange rate which is four times more than the official rate. The falling price of oil which is 94% of exports earnings and constitutes about 50% of revenue is not helping either. Inflation is estimated to be 28.7%.

We can take comfort when Tariq Ali explains that for the Chavistas “…true democracy is a process, a way of conducting oneself in relation to others. It is not just a periodical duty to put a tick by a name.” The comfort is that the Chavistas will fight for the investment of the riches of their country to improve the living conditions of the poor and undermine inequality. There is some comfort that social movements will fight against the looting of the public purse that is done through price fixing, fronting and waste of resources by political elites in alliance with private business in South Africa of today.