Category Archives: Steve Biko

A bishop’s pursuit of justice for South Africa’s shack dwellers

http://www.christiantoday.com/article/a.bishops.pursuit.of.justice.for.south.africas.shack.dwellers/26028.htm

A bishop’s pursuit of justice for South Africa’s shack dwellers

The Bishop of Natal in South Africa, Rubin Phillip, speaks here about the struggle for justice for the nation’s shack dwellers and his commitment to seeing those in suffering take charge of their own destiny.

by Emma Pomfret, Christian Aid Thursday, June 3, 2010

The first black South African to hold the position of Bishop of the Anglican Diocese of Natal, and chairman of the KwaZulu-Natal Christian Council (KZNCC), Rubin Phillip is currently in the UK to raise awareness about the plight of the Durban-based shack-dweller movement, Abahlali baseMjondolo.

Abahlali have insisted on speaking for themselves about the realities of the poor, and on the right of the poor themselves to shape their own lives. For this, they have won support in many shack settlements, and have also incurred the wrath of the political establishment.

In September 2009 Abahlali baseMjondolo (AbM) leaders were attacked in the Durban-based Kennedy Road settlement by an armed mob chanting ethnic slogans. The police refused to come to the aid of AbM and only stepped in to disable spontaneous resistance to the mob. Two lives were lost during the attempt to mount a defence against the mob, and the homes of more than 30 AbM leaders were destroyed and looted following which local leaders of the ruling party seized control of the settlement.

Leaders of the ruling political party in the city and the province attacked the movement in extremely strong language in the days following the attack, accusing the movement of being criminals and ‘anti-development’. Twelve supporters of AbM were arrested in relation to the attack on the movement, and eight months later they are still waiting for the presentation of evidence from the state.

The Kennedy Road attacks were explicitly directed at Abahlali baseMjondolo as a movement, and its activists and supporters.

Three weeks after the attacks AbM succeeded in having the Slums Act declared unconstitutional in the Constitutional Court. It was a remarkable victory. This Act gave the provincial Minister of Housing the powers to make it mandatory for landowners and municipalities to institute eviction proceedings against shack dwellers. The Act undermined tenure security for all shack dwellers in the province.

Despite this victory at the Constitutional Court, supporters of the ruling party were simultaneously openly issuing public death threats against the movement’s leadership in the context of intense hostility to the movement from local party leaders and police officers.

The church believes it is imperative to establish, publicly and with confidence, the truth of what has happened and to help ensure that those who are found to be responsible are held accountable. This call has found wide support in South Africa and around the world.

As the Bishop of the Anglican Diocese of Natal (KZN), with the support of the KZN Church Leaders’ Group, Bishop Rubin Phillip will accordingly appoint a properly independent Commission. This is the first time the ANC will have been challenged at a national level since their ascent to power in 1994.

He speaks to us more here:

What initially inspired you to get involved with Abahlali?

RP: I got involved because of my long-standing participation in peace and justice issues. As a young priest I was involved in the Black Consciousness Movement with Steve Biko and deputy president of the South African Students’ Organisation (Saso) in 1969, and my participation in the struggle for justice has continued, I have never stopped, even when I became a Bishop. So when I was invited to meet with the leaders of Abahlali a few years ago to hear about their struggles and problems I knew that, as a church leader, there were important issues of justice and democracy at stake and I could throw my lot in with them.

I have attended meetings, memorials, mass ecumenical prayers, marches and even Abahlali’s UnFreedom Day to show that the freedom poor South African’s were promised in 1994 has not been a reality for a large majority of poor, oppressed people.

The fact that Abahlali was – and still is – so full of initiative and dedication, is a huge inspiration. When I first met the group leaders they were in control of their situation and they weren’t asking anybody to come into direct them or to speak on their behalf or anything like that, rather they simply wanted people to come to stand in solidarity with them. I think it’s fantastic that people who are suffering and living in desperate situations on a daily basis are able to take charge of their destiny and future.

But it wasn’t just words – they were already involved in practical projects in the community such as an HIV programme and a feeding scheme, despite having very few resources. There is real hope for change among these people, and it is blossoming out of very little, which always inspires me.

What of Abahlali’s on-going struggle for land, housing and dignity?

RP: So often people think of those informal settlements or slums as hopeless places, but they are thriving communities where people feel a real sense of pride in belonging to that particular land. These people don’t want to be told where to live, in isolated areas away from the city, which is why I was so happy to support the group in challenging the constitutionality of the KZN Slums Act.

I demanded the political leadership of KZN to acknowledge the legitimacy of Abahlali base Mjondolo as a democratically elected, non-aligned movement of the people and work with them and not against them. This government in particular should know that when you suppress the voices and political aspirations you never win. This is the tale of a small, under-resourced organisation taking on the terrifying might of the government and I applaud them wholeheartedly.

We really cannot underestimate the importance of this victory, not only for Abahlali but any individual or group in South Africa fighting for their fundamental human rights. This legal precedent set by Abahlali could quite literally change the tenure rights lives and therefore lives of millions of people across South Africa, so if I can use my position as a Bishop to help alleviate people’s suffering and bring about change then that’s what I will do. That is my duty and my prerogative.

The movement has imprisoned leaders and the political paradox between Abahlali and the political establishment…

Because of the political nature of the case five of Abahlali’s leaders remain in prison and seven are on bail as the case keeps getting remanded. We think that is because the local government is bent on keeping them inside to show people that they’re tough, they mean business, and that they won’t be challenged. Abahlali has a strong voice and opinions and it appears that the government see them as a threat to their rule and authority.

The ANC as a liberation movement, knew how to protest, how to challenge the government of the day. But maybe now that they are in government they have become institutionalised and do not hear the voices of the poor. . They become frightened of change. This is a very sad thing and something the church is very concerned about. The church has stood on the side of the poor and oppressed, and played a significant role in the quest for the liberation of South Africa, so we feel deeply aggrieved that this is happening to this group.

Abahlali have made demands on the state as citizens which they have a right to do, simply by asking for basic human rights such as clean water, housing, electricity and health care. These demands are not only for physical improvements but for the political space to live in a dignified and respectful way, and that poses a serious threat to those in power now.

The point is that we’re willing to stand up, the church is prepared to be a prophetic ministry, and there will be victories, the people will win. In one sense we shouldn’t be surprised that the government is behaving in almost illegal and shabby way towards the poor, because they know the effect of protesting and advocacy as they used similar actions themselves during the apartheid years.

… and Mandela?

RP: My favourite memory of Mandela is when he came to Durban to spend a few days in the Presidential guest house. He invited some of the church leaders to meet with him so about five of us arrived at the house.

He was very down to earth and the security at the guest house was rather relaxed – he laughed and said that if he can’t feel safe with church leaders he can’t feel safe with anyone, and he thanked the church and the South African people for standing by him while he was in prison. He spoke quite movingly about the role of the church although he was also critical and said that the church should always get its facts right before speaking out. I challenged him on this and told him that was not the role of the church – if you’re going to prophetic you are going to speak from what you know and see, and if you need to check out your facts with those in charge then it is no longer prophetic. He smiled and said ‘Well I can’t argue with a Bishop!’ That was a memorable meeting.

I think Mandela would express a real sadness about what is happening in the country today because he has always been someone with integrity and justice and liberation for the poor is all that’s motivated him in life. He must feel deeply aggrieved when he hears about some of the events that are happening.

The bottom line is that the problem is enormous. We’ve been left with a legacy from the days of apartheid which is not going to disappear overnight – it may take a few generations – which is all the more reason why the government needs to work in tandem with local communities and help develop them. The state needs to actually welcome the critique that comes from people like Abahlali and hear their voices when they speak and protest, rather than seeing that as being disloyal or an affront to the government.

I think the ANC feel that they have the moral high ground when it comes to liberation but it has to accept that fact that they are not – they are a government and they have become institutionalised. It’s a worrying sign that people in government are losing touch with their roots.

Where do you see the future of the Commission of Enquiry?

RP: We don’t have a date yet but we have consulted lawyers in the country as well as other academics. We have recruiting a professor of history who is now retired – he’s passionate about the very first Anglican Bishop of Natal John Colenso – made famous in the 1964 Zulu film. The principle aim of the Commission is to establish the truth of what happened on that night in Kennedy Road.

This Commission is extremely important because it has wider implications for South Africa as a whole in terms of the role and scope of the state, their definition of democracy, and the political space the government allow the poor to occupy. It will begin to bring under the microscope the behaviour of the state vis-à-vis the poor and those who want to stand up and be counted and make their voices heard. Abahlali are a significant part of the new struggle for a truly democratic South Africa and they will be heard sooner or later.

Still far from the dream of Biko – Reflections on the 1976 youth uprising

http://www.pambazuka.org/en/category/features/57070

Still far from the dream of Biko
Reflections on the 1976 youth uprising

by Mphutlane wa Bofelo

Imprisoned at 17 as an anti-apartheid activist, Mphutlane wa Bofelo emerged even more determined to confront the system. It was the dream of ‘the freedom of our people’ that people act with boldness and bravery, he writes, even though ‘we knew the ultimate price could be death’. Yet 33 years after the 1976 youth uprising, confronting living conditions in Durban’s Kenville squatter camp, wa Bofelo considers why ‘former freedom fighters can sometimes be more vicious in attempts to abort freedom’. As Kenville residents consider class action against the government for decent housing, wa Bofelo wonders why South Africans should have to go to court to secure constitutionally enshrined basics of water and housing. ‘How can you have a sense of self-respect and dignity when you live in opulence but your brothers and sisters… live in squalor?’ asks wa Bofelo. ‘Pity how it seems we joined the struggle to be rich materially but poor in spirit!’

June 16 is a day that brings both painful and joyous memories to me, as in the 80s a whole lot of things happened as we dodged bullets and caspirs, fighting to ensure that days like 16 June, 21 March, 1 May and 12 September are not treated as ordinary days. I guess that is the reason why yesterday left me full of tears. Like many of my peers, I joined the struggle against apartheid-capitalism at a very tender age. At the age of 17 I was arrested and subjected to severe torture. I spent 18 months in detention-without-trial, after which I was given a one-year prison sentence for ‘possession of subversive material.’

Most of us came out of prison more determined to confront the system. We established organs of people’s power and made it impossible for the apartheid regime to continue with their business as usual. We dared to grasp the bull by its horns and established underground structures of Umkonto weSizwe(MK), Azanian National Liberation Army (AZANLA)and Azanian People’s Liberation Army (APLA) under the watchful eyes of the system and its stooges and vigilantes. What kind of dream made us to do the kind of bold and brave – and sometimes reckless – things we did when we knew the ultimate price could be death? We knew that the ultimate price was the freedom of our people, not death! You can never kill a free spirit. But when I look at the kind of conditions I saw yesterday, I wonder why it is that former freedom fighters can sometimes be more vicious in attempts to abort freedom or even kill the spirit of freedom.

Yesterday I joined the provincial executive committee (PEC) of the Socialist Party of Azania (SOPA) as they marked the national youth uprising of June 1976 with a visit to its members, supporters and the general residents of the squatter camp next to the refuse recycling dump near the Kenville Suburb in Durban. This the place where all the sewerage from Durban is emptied. This visit really left me in tears. The objective of the visit was to listen to the views and stories of the residents and share ideas with them on expediting the process of finding decent and habitable housing for them, as well as ways of ameliorating their conditions in the meantime. The chairperson of SOPA in KwaZulu-Natal, Asha Moodley, and general secretary Patrick Mkhise told the residents that their aim with the visit was to highlight the plight of the multitudes of people who still find themselves landless and homeless after fifteen years of democracy.

Moodley also told the residents that they thought it prudent to hear from the residents what the situation is and also to be guided by them as to the possible action that can be taken to address their situation. She also emphasised that the party decided to visit after the election so that their fact-finding mission and discussion with the community should not be misconstrued as an electioneering and vote-catching ploy. The briefing that the PEC of the Socialist Party of Azania got from the residents was that their families have been squatting in the vicinity of Kenville for thirty years. In the 1990s they were moved to the squatter camp near the refuse damp.

The major problem is that this specific place is not conducive for human settlement. Whenever it rains the whole area is flooded. The shacks are built with wooden and plastic material, and are so close to each other that when one shack catches fire the whole block of shacks is consumed by fire. The suffocating smell from the refuse dump exacerbates the health hazards in the area. The Ethekwini municipality has built eight communal toilets, four for women and four for men. These toilets are at the main road on the outskirts of the squatter camp, which makes it difficult for people living far to use the toilets. It also exposes residents, particularly children and women, to crime at night. The communal taps are also located at the main road on the outskirts of the area. The residents get their electricity through illegal connections from the poles that deliver electricity to the formal houses in Kenville.

As a result of these illegal connections many children have been electrocuted to death. The residents listed unemployment and poverty as the major problems facing them and indicated there are no poverty alleviation programs by either government or NGOs in the area. There is also no safe space and facilities for children to play. Another problem raised in the meeting was that political affiliations often are a stumbling block to the capacity of residents to speak in one voice in addressing their issues. There are three political parties with visible and active presence in the area, Inkatha Freedom Party, African National Congress and the Socialist Party of Azania. Often the government takes advantage of these divisions to throw a spanner in the works of any effort towards united action on the issue of housing. Between 2005 and 2006, the Socialist Party of Azania had a series of protest marches where it submitted a petition on the housing demands of the residents to both the provincial government and the eaThekwini municipality. There were also series of meetings between SOPA and the Ethekwini Municipality where the party tabled proposals on decent and habitable housing alternatives.

After endless meetings without meaningful decisions, the municipality representatives ultimately told SOPA that since it is a political party it must prove its worth by attaining seats in the local government where it can raise issues relating to housing, or else it must shut its mouth. Last year the residents of the squatter camps around Kenville marched to raise their issues. It is alleged that at this meeting the local councillor of the area under which the squatter camp nearby the refuse dump falls told the meeting that there were no problems in his area. In view of this history, the 16 June consultation mandated SOPA to explore possibilities of petitioning their local councillor as well as class action whereby the eThekwini municipality and the provincial government is taken to court for attack on the rights of the residents of the Kenville squatter camp to housing, security and human dignity.

The meeting also agreed that residents across the political spectrum need to be consulted and that contact be made with the local development committee. The committee was established by the Ethekwini municipality though some residents have reservations that it is mostly constituted by ANC members who just endorse whatever they are told by government officials. After the meeting the leadership of SOPA had a brief informal discussion with two members of the development committee.

The committee members informed SOPA that by October this year some households in this squatter camp will be relocated to the adjacent area where there are some spaces in between formal houses and shacks. They indicated that shackdwellers from other areas in the vicinity of Kenville are also going to be relocated there. This means that only a small number of the shackdwellers at this specific squatter camp will actually be relocated. The said area is already dense and is still within the vicinity of the refuse dump, which means there really will not be much change in the wellbeing and quality of the lives of these residents. The resettling of people from a squalid dumping place to just lesser squalid conditions raises the question as to the significance of the change from the department of housing to the department of human settlement.

The positive interpretation will be that ‘human settlement’ entails the provision of more than housing, and indicates that the houses will have adequate yards that provide for food gardening and other activities and should go along with social amenities and be within reasonable distance to places of employment, etc.

The negative interpretation will be that in the meantime, while government cannot provide housing for all, it will resettle people from inhabitable shack squatter camps to shack dwellings or concrete slabs (RDP ‘pondokies’ in informal settlements with some modicum of development, but still lacking several essential amenities. The progress report (the two gentlemen were very delighted to use the term) provided by the gentlemen from the development committee seem to point in the direction of the latter definition. (One hopes that Kenville scenario is an exception, and only time will tell). Essentially ‘the progress report’ by the two committee members indicated no tangible progress. This means that SOPA in collaboration with other civil society organisations and progressive institutions should still consider the class action and other ways of forcing government to provide decent, habitable housing with proper yards and social amenities.

How is it possible that we have arrived at the point where people take a people’s government to court for such basic things as water and housing, which the constitution fully enshrines? Just recently a South African court ruled in favour of the people for their right to water. Guess who took the people to the appeal court to try and overturn the decision of a judge who is probably inherited from apartheid era? The appeal court ruled in favour of the people. Guess who is thinking of appealing the decision through the constitutional court? Who stood against the decision of the victims of the apartheid-capitalism to take the big corporates that benefited from this system to the international court? Who? Who killed Biko and Hani and Solomon Mahlangu and Hector Peterson and Muntu ka Myeza and Masabata lwate and many others? The Boers and their vigilantes only killed the flesh. The spirit of Mahlangu, Biko, Hani, Peterson, lwate is being killed here and now by us. The Boers failed to kill Biko and Hani. We are succeeding where apartheid-capitalism failed. We kill the spirit of Tambo and Biko everyday. We hate each other. We kill each other. We rape our children . We burn our grandmothers. We love beautiful things for ourselves but ask our brothers and sisters to endure conditions such as Kenville squatter camp. for them Rome will be built in zilion years, for us it takes only one day in office as a CEO, counsellor, director, business big-shot to relocate from Zamdela to Vaalpark and from Mofolo to Hougton.

Who killed Biko? Botha? No, Botha did not, could not, kill Biko. Malan could not. Only we could. Only we can. NONE BUT OURSELVES ARE THE ENEMY. To kill the enemy we really have to kill the enemy within. Who said Black Consciousness is no longer relevant? Wake up black people and all justice loving whites and peoples of the world. Black Consciousness, instil in us the love for ourselves, so that we can radiate that love to embrace all human beings with love. We are still far from this dream of Biko, Africa giving the greatest gift to humanity: A more human face. This is only possible if we love ourselves. An African proverb says: ‘Do not accept a gift of a suit from a naked person.’ How can a person who does not love himself and his people lie to you and say he loves you. How can you have a sense of self-respect and dignity when you live in opulence but your brothers and sisters, fathers and uncles, neighbours and relatives live in squalor? Pity how it seems we joined the struggle to be rich materially but poor in spirit! ilitye lika Biko li nxonxozile lizovulwa ngubani? Vuka ntsundu. tsoha guerilla, steve biko o batla masole. o robaletseng. AZANIA KE YA RONA.THE STRUGGLE CONTINUES. THE STRUGGLE IS ETERNAL.

Blackwash will be joining the PPA tomorrow in the Soweto march….

Blackwash will be joining the PPA tomorrow in the Soweto march….

Dear young black person,

Black youth living in South Africa today is in deep trouble. Even though we were promised a better life after 1994 by our black government, many of us still live in squatter camps and small RDP houses because white people still own more than 80% of South African land which has been stolen over the last 300 years. As young black people we have to ask ourselves what is stopping our government from improving our lives and is there a future for us if black people do not have land. Will black people not be trapped in squatter camps and townships forever if our government refuses to take our land back from whites?

Many of us do not pass matric because black schools do not have good resources like Model C and private schools, just like in the days of Bantu Education during apartheid. What have we done to deserve this? Some of us end up in prison because we are forced to steal and do other crimes to survive. Because young black people do not pass at school or do not have money for tertiary education, many of them end up doing crime and being locked up in prison. The poverty of black people means that many of us end up behind bars because we are forced to do what we can to survive and keep our families alive. Why is it that those who stole our land and continue to benefit from that are not seen as criminals? Why is the black person who steals a cellphone, a few thousands, a laptop or a pair of jeans punished more than those who live on stolen land?

Some of us end up doing drugs and drinking a lot of alcohol because we need to forget this hard life. A lot of the time we fight and sometimes even kill each other over small things because there is nothing else to live for. The reason our lives are like this is that white people have been oppressing us and controlling every part of our lives for a very long time. This is why our schools are of bad quality. This is why WE are poor and they aren’t. This is why we live in shacks or in RDP houses in townships. It is a pity that even our black government does not have intentions to change the bad conditions we live in. But we have not chosen to be poor or black!

The same people who are responsible for the way we live turn around and blame us as if we are personally responsible. We are told to go to church, study hard, play sports, or join cultural groups but all of these things do not help because our situation does not change. Even when we try, there are no fields or recreation centres in squatter camps and very few in townships. Because of this many young black people cannot use or develop their talents; they end up in shebeens or prison rotting away with those talents.

Some of us do go to good schools, get jobs, funds from Umsobomvu, buy cars or even become famous but this is a very small number compared to those of us who will live in poverty for the rest of our lives. Also, the few blacks who make it leave the township to live amongst white people and start behaving like them: they look down on black people and accuse them of being lazy (the same way white people have done since they arrived in this country). We must ask ourselves how much longer black people should suffer before things change for us.

With all this in mind, do you really believe our government when they tell us we are free? Where is this freedom they keep talking about when black people are this poor; when black youth is unemployed, in prisons or dying from Aids or drug overdose?

We are told we are free but this is a lie. We are told blacks and whites are equal but we know that whites live better lives than us in our own country. We also know that their lives are better because of the hard work black people do to build their houses, their suburbs, to look after their kids and wash their clothes. Whites people live like visitors who come to your home, kick you out and expect you to take care of their needs while they live in comfort in your house. They live like Gods on earth because there are blacks who are their slaves taking care of all their needs. Why are we this poor in our own country?

We are entertained with TV shows, concerts at stadiums, now the 2010 world cup so that we forget to ask WHY we must live the way we do. Most of this entertainment does not confront the truth about our black reality and does not encourage us to stand up and fight for ourselves against our oppressors. But even when black people fight and demand basic things for their survival, government sends the police to harass and shoot them. We are not told the truth about the history of our country so that we can see how it was sold to whites so they live better. We are told to be patient, but until when? Our parents and grandparents are still waiting. Many of our parents die as slaves in white farms and mines. Where did whites get all this land? If you ask them, they’ll tell you they worked hard for it and that black people do not want to work for anything. They will not tell you about the number of our black ancestors who died.

Many of our parents are forced to work so that they can buy food. Most of it is expensive because food companies, which are owned by whites, want to be rich. Forcing black people to starve when their land produces food is one of the many ways of oppressing us. Why is it that we don’t have enough to eat when our farms produce enough food; some of which is sold overseas or thrown away so that food prices are kept high? We must take our farms back and demand that government give us money and equipment to manage these farms so that black people can have enough to eat.

What must we do as the black youth to change this situation and everything else about black life? We must learn from the youth of ’76 which was influenced by Steve Biko’s Black Consciousness Movement. The things they learnt through reading his ideas on white power, black identity and black liberation made them decide that they could not carry on being controlled by white foreigners. As June 16 is being remembered, we must go back to Biko’s thoughts and use them the same way as the black youth of ’76 to stand up for ourselves, think about how we will free ourselves and like them shout “Black Power!” in the face of our oppressors.

There is a lot of fighting we must do before things change in our favour. As Steve Biko said, “You are either alive or proud or you are dead, and when you are dead, you can’t care anyway…” We must put pressure on government to change things for the better. If they won’t meet our demands, then we must make life for them and the white people they serve difficult.

If as a young black person you agree that the conditions black people live under must change and that we must fight against white power protected by our black government, please contact us because we would like to get in touch with you too.

We must educate ourselves about these things because whites and blacks who benefit from our rich country will not. They want to keep us in the dark so that we carry on blaming ourselves for a situation that THEY created. We must educate each other so that we can rid ourselves of the curse faced by blacks and young blacks in particular. The government, TV, schools, churches and universities do not teach us the truth. We are on our own!

Yours sincerely and for the love of black people

Blackwash

073 914 1471

blackwashproject@gmail.com

Sowetan: ‘Path of riches wasn’t for Biko’

http://www.sowetan.co.za/News/Article.aspx?id=980480

‘Path of riches wasn’t for Biko’
15 April 2009

Azapo today is a danger to black South Africans and stands for everything that Steve Biko rejected, according to Andile Mngxitama in his new book, Why Biko would not vote.

Mngxitama says that Biko would reject black consciousness parties because they “prostitute their blackness as a lucrative path to enjoy the privileges of whiteness”.

He says if Biko was alive he would boycott the elections – along with the Abahlali base Mjondolo and Landless Peoples’ Movement. Linking Azapo and the DA, he says: “Both have pathologised crime, removing it from its socio-economic roots.”

Azapo spokesperson Nelvis Qekema said yesterday: “How anyone can see identity between a white liberal party and a black consciousness party, I do not know.”

– Anna Majavu

Upright and free: Fanon in South Africa, from Biko to the shackdwellers’ movement (Abahlali baseMjondolo)

Upright and free: Fanon in South Africa, from Biko to the shackdwellers’ movement (Abahlali baseMjondolo)

Social Identities, November 2008

Grounded in the South African experience, in discussions with Blacks about their everyday experiences of oppression and in attitudes formed from that experience and sharpened by an engagement with Africana philosophers like Fanon, Steve Biko recreated the kind of praxis that Fanon suggested in the conclusion of The Wretched of the Earth, namely that the working out of new concepts cannot come from the intellectual’s head alone but must come from a dialogue with common people. Today a new shackdweller movement (Abahlali baseMjondolo) has emerged in South Africa, which has put post-apartheid society on trial and has resonated with Fanon and Biko’s idea of a decolonized new humanism. At the same time Abahlali’s notion of a person and its critique of reification has been challenged by the spontaneous eruption of xenophobic violence indicating that the stark choice between humanism and barbarism is a most concrete question in the shack settlements. Because Biko’s development of Black consciousness and his engagement of Fanon’s thought remains of historic importance to contemporary South Africa, the paper begins with a focus on the creativity and the contradictory processes by which Fanon’s philosophy of liberation is articulated in Steve Biko’s conception of Black consciousness. From this starting point the discussion shifts from Biko’s critique of white liberalism to the dialectics of contemporary neoliberal ‘postcolonial’ reality. What remains central, however, are the creative and contradictory processes that a re-engagement with Fanon will create. In other words, since it is ‘the live subject that unites theory and reality’, the issue becomes how, in a new historic moment, a philosophy born of struggle makes itself heard.

Click here to read the full article in pdf.