Category Archives: forced removals

UPM: No Freedom for the Surplus People

26 April 2013
Unemployed People’s Movement

No Freedom for the Surplus People

As the movements of the poor mourn UnFreedom Day in Durban and Cape Town we suggest the following two short readings for our comrades.

1. The first chapter from ‘The Surplus People’, a book about forced removals under apartheid, that looks at Glenmore. (attached below)

2. A UPM Press statement from last year which shows how the people of Glenmore remain oppressed today. (pasted in below)

There is no freedom for us and hence our struggle continues.

Ayanda Kota 078 625 6462
Ben Mafani 083 5410 535

5 January 2012
Unemployed People’s Movement Press Statement

Mr. Velile Mafani Will Throw Three Stones Through the Window of the High Court in Grahamstown Tomorrow

Our movement has been approached by Mr. Velile Ben Mafani. He informed us that tomorrow he will throw three stones, one white, one black, and one red, through the window of the High Court in Grahamstown. He will tie a letter stating his demands around the stones.

Mr Mafani was born in a shack settlement in Coega, just outside Port Elizabeth two days after Christmas in 1953. His parents worked on nearby farms, bought and sold produce from the farms and his mother worked in kitchens. The apartheid system did not want black people living in their own places in the cities and in the 1970s they were threatened with forced removal to the Ciskei Bantustan which was a human dumping ground. Mr Mafani formed an organisation called ‘Operation Go Nowhere’ and they organised against the forced removal. But Piet Koornhof pressured them and their struggle was defeated. On the 15th of April 1979 the police and the bulldozers came. Mr Mafani was the first to be put inside a police van. The door was closed. He couldn’t see anything but he heard the screams as the shacks were destroyed and were people loaded up on to trucks like animals to be dumped in the Ciskei. People were told that there was a Court Order from the High Court in Grahamstown ordering their eviction. They were shown the paper but they were not allowed to read it.

Three thousand people from Coega were dumped in Glenmore, near Peddie. Today it is more than two hours by car from Coega. They lost their work, their cattle and their homes. They lost everything. Soon after their arrival in Glenmore 140 people, mainly children and old people, died. There were no funeral parlours and they couldn’t afford coffins so the dead were just wrapped in blankets and buried on the banks of the Fish River.

Since then Mr Mafani has never stopped challenging and struggling for justice. When democracy came he had high hopes that the new government would be willing to work with the people that have been forcibly removed from Coega to find a solution that would restore their dignity. Nothing was happening despite all his letters so in 1996 he want to the Legal Resources Centre for help. In 1997 he lodged a land claim. He has written letters to all kinds of people. He is approached the media for help. He has approached the premier, the Special Investigations Unit, the Public Protector and the SAPS. He has knocked on every door. He has many files with letters, affidavits, medical records, court records and all kinds of documents. He has a dvd that tells the story. But none of his efforts yielded any fruit.

In May 2004 he came to Grahamstown and threw three stones through the window of the High Court, the same High Court that ordered the Coega eviction in 1979. One was white to symbolise freedom, one was red to symbolise the people that died in Glenmore and were buried in blankets on the banks of the Fish River and one was black to symbolise that he will never accept being forced to live in a dark place. He was arrested on a charge of malicious damage to property and kept in the Waainek Prison in Grahamstown from 23 May till 2 September 2004. He was released without being sentenced after it was said by Dr. Dwyer that he ‘was mentally retarded and wouldn’t understand the charges’. Later Dr. Dwyer wrote a letter saying that after getting the background he realised that Mr. Mafani was not mentally ill and that he was fit to stand trail. Mr Mafani understands the charges perfectly well. The only thing that he doesn’t understand is why his community are still being treated like rubbish after democracy.

When we heard this story we were reminded of how Frantz Fanon resigned from the mental hospital in Algeria saying that it was the system, colonialism, and not his patients that were insane. It was this realisation that made him become a revolutionary fighting to destroy colonialism. It is the system, the madness of the system, a madness that continued from apartheid and into democracy, a madness that treats human beings like rubbish, that drove Mr Mafani to throw three stones through the window of the Grahamstown High Court in 2004.

He did it again in 2007 and again in 2008. Both times he was arrested, charged, found guilty and given a suspended sentence of five years. In 2008 his lawyer said that he must knock on the right door which was the Equality Court. He started the process but then the Premier intervened and said that the case was out of the jurisdiction of the Grahamstown court and so it must be moved to Peddie. He used his own money to start the process again in Peddie. He heard nothing for 5 months, then 8 months and then the case was just stopped without an explanation.

Tomorrow, at ten o’clock, he will do it again. He says that he has exhausted all the avenues that the system provides for people wishing to raise issues with the government without success. He says that he won’t run away after he has thrown the stones through the window. He will just stand there and wait for the police to come. He says that this problem is depressing him in his heart and that he can’t spend the last years of life writing letters that bring no result.

His demands are that:

1. The people evicted from Coega be allowed to return.

2. The government exhumes the bodies of the 140 people buried in blankets on the banks of the Fish River and gives them a dignified burial.

Mr Mafani says that Glenmore is a civic prison. He says that it is suitable for cows that stay thin and graze but that neither he nor any of the other people that were dumped there are cows and it is a terrible place for human beings. There has been huge development in Coega. More than a billion rand has been spent on development there. There is a new port and factories. Mr Mafani insists that the people forcibly removed from Coega in 1979 have a right to return to Coega, to live there and to work there. The ruling party are trying to isolate Mr Mafani in Glenmore. They are trying to isolate him and are calling him names. But his courage is not failing. He says that this is a struggle that he will follow till his last breath.

Under apartheid forced removals turned people and communities into rubbish to be dumped in far away places. Today poor people are still being forcibly removed from farms and cities. People and communities are still being turned into rubbish. As the UPM we are, together with our comrades in other movements like Abahlali baseMjondolo, the Anti-Eviction Campaign, the Landless People’s Movement and the Rural Network, determined to demand that the dignity of all people in South Africa is recognised. There must be justice for all past injustices and people must never again be treated like rubbish. As Abahlali baseMjondolo say everyone must count and everyone must count equally.

The UPM is willing to support the Glenmore community in their struggle and we are willing to raise this issue with our comrades in Students for Social Justice.

If any journalists are interested in this story Mr Mafani has detailed documentation of his long struggle for justice for the people evicted from Coega in 1979.

Mr Mafani can be contacted via: 078 625 6462

M&G: The crime which went away

http://mg.co.za/article/2012-04-05-the-crime-which-went-away/

The crime which went away

by David Hemson

Early in 1968 the apartheid government decreed that African people in and around the community at Maria Ratschitz mission near Ladysmith were to be forcibly removed and dumped on barren exposed land called at Limehill. This was not the first or the last of the forced removals characteristic of the apartheid regime’s determination to deny towns and cities to the African people and instead to constitute black political entities, “homelands”, on the remaining land occupied by Africans.

The apartheid dream was of South African cities and farms emptied of black people and “homeland” black police states fighting semi-autonomously against the inevitable resistance. Africans would then be confirmed as citizenless foreigners in the land of their birth.

But the Limehill removal was the signal for a sustained campaign of opposition which pulled together the internal opposition, exposed the crimes of the Nationalist Party government, and spurred even dilatory Western powers into formal opposition. These horrors led to apartheid being declared a crime against humanity.

At the centre of this opposition was Cosmas Desmond, the priest located at Maria Ratschitz, who died on Saturday, March 31. He gave himself to the task of documenting and exposing these removals taking place throughout the country.

A veteran VW Beetle was bought and he disappeared down dirt roads and beyond into roadless rural areas bearing previously unrecognised names such as Mondlo, Mdantsane, Sada, Ilinge, Dimbaza, Zwelitsha, Botshabelo, Alcockspruit, Waschbank, KwaNgema and Driefontein. He would reappear in Johannesburg in 1969 with notes and manuscripts which eventually made up the book published by the Christian Institute as The Discarded People.

His book chronicled the dumping of people wrongly located in the plan of apartheid and “surplus” to the needs of capitalism in remote areas without houses, food and support.

‘Expendable’

Removals in isolated rural areas involved the humiliation of people reduced to quietly ascending the removal trucks under the gaze and guns of the police and left destitute on barren land. This institutionalised, administrative violence was designed to drive the “surplus” and “expendable” out of sight to live or die as they may in the police-state Bantustans. Death, disease and despair were the result.

But the campaign ensured they were located, brought back to mind and that the regime was subject to surveillance and sanctions. Desmond’s work triggered widespread publicity which was particularly effective in electronic media. The film Last Grave in Dimbaza which carried the graphic detail of degradation and death of sites around the country caused an international outcry and provided the evidence of such inhuman acts of systematic oppression.

This necessary documentation was critical to the United Nations presenting the International Convention on the Suppression and Punishment of the Crime of Apartheid for adoption in 1973. The crime of apartheid was defined as “inhuman acts committed for the purpose of establishing and maintaining domination by one racial group of persons over any other racial group of persons and systematically oppressing them”. Forced removals to compress people into racial categories was a unique feature of the system.

The timing of the declaration links closely to the exposure of forced removals.

Desmond’s work would later be taken up in a series of studies in the Report of the Surplus People’s Project which provided an extended review and fresh detail into the 1980s.

At his 70th birthday party I approached Cos Desmond and said he must record what he could about his life experience in writing the Discarded People.

He laughed wryly at the idea of an autobiography and gave me a maybe … he might just turn his mind to chronicling his work but he wasn’t so sure of its significance. Was his life and contribution really so important?

Rewards

Anti-apartheid combatants have been rewarded but also diminished by the ending of apartheid. The reward was the freeing of our people from the bondage of apartheid, but they have also been diminished by the trivialisation of great work of resistance in words and deeds and the careless dealing with crimes against humanity.

The concluding scene in Last Grave in Dimbaza is of row after row of the graves of children who died after this dumping. As one of a group of students in discussion after film audition of in 1973 which was inspired by Desmond’s work we resolved that a version of the Nuremburg Trial would have to be held in the post-apartheid era. That was not to be.

To my knowledge none of the bureaucrats of death were named and shamed. Now Dimbaza is a township on far-flung hills about 66km outside of East London. This name and even that of Limehill has lost its sting. South Africa has grown and these areas are now integrated into the road system and have their local municipalities. The memory fades.

What was all the fuss about?

This diminution of these historic crimes and the slow pace of genuine transformation had its effect on Cos Desmond, his work and his feeling of self-worth. He had often had to stand alone not only by the action of the regime but also by the priests in the Bantustans who found his research inconvenient and irritating and the shying away of the Catholic Church (with the notable exception of Archbishop Hurley).

His friendship with members of Black Consciousness (he enjoyed the ready open respect of Steve Biko and other BC leaders) did not serve favour with the Congress Movement and the ANC. In the new South Africa he was further diminished along with the lighter weighting of the crimes he chronicled.

Cosmas never stood on his dignity or pronounced on his worth. His references to himself were often diffident, self deprecatory and ironic. Recently I was intrigued to hear that Van Gogh wrote that he knew he was regarded by society as a non-entity, an eccentric and a curiosity. He responded, “All right, then … I should one day like to show by my work what such an eccentric, such a nobody, has in his heart.” This was not quite Cos who was loved and held in high regard by the circle he cared for but there is a certain line in parallel.

He criticised the compromises and social degradation in the country of his adoption as only one who loved it so deeply would do.

Despite the black majority gaining electoral power, the long standing effects of forced removal policy remain and perpetuate the gaping and widening inequality in income, wealth and land characteristic of our society. What happened to the crime of inhumanity declared in response to these forced removals and the promise of redistribution? History will revise judgment of the life and worth of Cosmas Desmond.

The Star: ‘We also have the right to see the Word Cup’ [article on the electricity war in Protea South]

The LPM in Protea South have been resisting the planned forced removal to the peripheral dumping ground of Doorkop, and plans to force them into a transit camp, for some years.

http://www.iol.co.za/index.php?set_id=1&click_id=594&art_id=vn20100524043401327C806675

‘We also have the right to see the Word Cup’

May 24 2010 at 11:56AM
By Nontobeko Mtshali

A clash between Protea South residents over electricity saw the area being left in the cold and dark on Sunday night.

Residents from one section fought off shack dwellers who get their electricity from illegal connections in the developed area.

When the power supply tripped because of the heavy load, residents in the developed area dismantled the illegal connections at the main supply, eliciting an angry response from shack dwellers.

Residents from the informal settlement then gathered at a sports field and demanded electricity wires be reconnected.

“They must leave us alone. We’re taking electricity from Eskom, not from them,” said a resident who lives at Protea South’s informal settlement.

The man, who did not want to be identified, said residents from the developed area acted as if they were the only ones entitled to power and services.

“We all voted… all of us have the right to electricity. We also have the right to see the Word Cup. They feel they’re special because they have money.

“The electricity we use does not come from their meters, as we connect at the main supply. Let Eskom deal with us.”

Residents from the informal settlement said they had approached Eskom and the local government, but received no response from the utility and no assistance from councillors.

Protea South councillor Mapule Khumalo said the area was not connected to the electricity grid because feasibility studies showed the area was not suitable for development.

Processes were under way to move the residents to Doornkop, where RDP houses were being built, and the council had made plans with Eskom to provide temporary electricity for informal residents.

* This article was originally published on page 2 of The Star on May 24, 2010

The Times: More protests flare over lack of services

Diepsloot is not an AbM settlement. Click here for video footage.

http://www.thetimes.co.za/PrintEdition/Article.aspx?id=1032366

More protests flare over lack of services
Charles Molele Published:Jul 12, 2009

‘They want to dump us in another slum without clean water, electricity or sanitation’
Huge shack settlement latest to ignite over government’s poor delivery record

“We are going nowhere,” yelled 34-year-old Selby Mukovhanama as he waved a panga in defiance of a government plan to dismantle the Diepsloot, Johannesburg, shack settlement he calls home.

His was just one face of the anger felt by those repeatedly left out when the government extends housing and services to another desperate community.

“They want to dump us in another slum without clean water, electricity and sanitation,” Mukovhanama said. “We are not going anywhere. If we do move, it must be to decent RDP houses.”

Last Sunday, Mukovhanama joined hundreds of residents protesting plans to relocate them to informal settlements in the region. They burned tyres and furniture, and barricaded roads with rocks. Several cars were stoned, and shops that belonged to Pakistani nationals were set alight and looted.

Community Policing Forum member Mahlatse Molobela laid part of the blame at the door of local ANC councillor Jan Mahlangu.

“During elections he came and made promises about clean water, electricity and roads. But now he is unavailable when we want to meet him and resolve these issues,” said Molobela.

Residents insist they have been told they must move, but on Friday the City of Johannesburg denied it wanted to relocate the residents.

The government has built about 4900 RDP houses in Diepsloot — now home to more than 150000 people.

Residents told the Sunday Times that since the government moved them from the banks of the Jukskei River in Alexandra as part of former president Thabo Mbeki’s Urban Renewal Project, officials had neglected the area.

Roads are in total disrepair and a putrid smell hangs in the air from the broken sewerage system. At Extension One, where the violent protests took place last Sunday, close to 100 residents, men and women share a single toilet that often does not work.

Taps are often dry and residents say the tanks provided by officials are contaminated.

“I won’t let my kids drink from that tank,” said Sam Makgoba. “ We need proper running water and modern sanitation.”

The Diepsloot protests were the latest in service delivery demonstrations which have surged around the country recently.

Last week, residents of Piet Retief in Mpumalanga went on the rampage after accusing the Mkhondo municipality of financial mismanagement, corruption in the allocation of housing, and a lack of basic services. Two protesters died during the protests. On Tuesday, angry residents in Dinokana near Zeerust, North West, took to the streets in a protest about water provision.

ANC spokesman Jessie Duarte denied that communities across the country were growing impatient with the government’s poor service delivery.

“We can’t generalise and say there’s unhappiness all around,” she said. “Where there are problems, we have provincial leaders and branches directly intervening and looking at the substance and nature of the problem.”

— molelec@sundaytimes.co.za

Jo’burg: Eight held during Diepsloot protests

Click here to see pictures from the protest.

http://www.themercury.co.za/?fSectionId=&fArticleId=nw20090706075322141C907673

Eight held during Diepsloot protests

6 July 2009, 08:16
Related Articles

* Empty promises spark protest

Eight people were arrested on Monday following violent protests in Diepsloot, Johannesburg police said.

“We arrested eight men at 2am this morning (Monday), just before the situation calmed down,” Inspector Daniel Mavimbele said.

The eight were arrested for public violence after Sunday night’s housing protest by hundreds of residents.

According to IOL, roads were barricaded with burning tyres and furniture, large rocks were placed on the streets, and protesters stoned cars. Shops in the area were also looted.

The protest began at 10am. It was held to demonstrate dissatisfaction over the allocation of houses and the fact that some of the shack dwellers were once again being moved — this time to an informal settlement in Brits, north-west of Pretoria.

They also demanded electricity.

It was reported that a group also threatened to torch the local councillor’s house, which remained under police guard last night.

A police helicopter was also sent to the area to monitor hotspots.

Mavimbele said that the situation was “calm for now”, but protests may start again later in the day, if the protesters demands were not met.

“A heavy police presence remains in Diepsloot,” he said. – Sapa