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Links: South Africa: Workers’ factory takeover to defend jobs enters second month

http://links.org.au/node/1997

Workers’ factory takeover to defend jobs enters second month

November 17, 2010 — A militant factory occupation by South African metalworkers is about to enter its second month. On October 20, 2010, workers at the Mine Line/TAP Engineering factory in Krugersdorp, just outside Soweto, began the occupation to prevent the removal of machinery and other assets and to fight to save their jobs. The workers are demanding the state take over the factory, so that it can be reopened as a democratically run workers’ cooperative.

The workers are organised by the Metal and Electrical Workers Union of South Africa (MEWUSA), in which the Democratic Socialist Movement (DSM, the affiliate of the Committee for a Workers’ International in South Africa) plays a leading role.

Mine Line/Tap Engineering produces valves, locomotives and other items for the mining industry. It was shut down in August when the owner, Waynerd Mulder, attempted to escape responsibility for the deaths of three workers in an August 4 accident, caused by gross disregard for workers’ health and safety. Despite the economic crisis, Mine Line has remained a viable business. The insolvency is the direct result of Mulder’s criminal looting, fraud and theft. He took 15 million rand in cash from the company account, in addition to the fleet of luxury cars and helicopters he had bought with company money, and filed for bankruptcy the following day. While he has since been colluding with the liquidator, Commonwealth Trust, to loot the company, stealing its funds to set up business elsewhere, the 107 workers and the families of the workers who were killed are left with nothing to show for, in most cases, over 25 years of service.

Workers decided on October 20 to guard the premises to stop the ex-owner and the liquidator from stealing any more machinery or other assets from the factory. They have also changed the locks at the factory, which is located near Doornkop Mine. Some men have brought in beds, so they can sleep there at night, while woman take part in the sit-in from the morning until the afternoon because they have children to look after at home.

“Entering the main office where about 50 workers are assembled, one immediately conjures up images of the Paris Commune, a government that briefly ruled Paris from March 28 to May 28, 1871, and which was made up of anarchists and Marxists. It was hailed as the first assumption of power by the working class during the Industrial Revolution”, reported the November 14 Business Report.

Union spokesperson Mametlwe Sebei said Mulder had been taking assets from the factory and stripping it of whatever value remained, hence the occupation. “Until there is a proper inventory, Mulder is not allowed to take any assets away”, he said.

On November 15, the workers with the support from the solidarity committee resisted the owner’s son’s attempt to steal one of the computers and scrap metal. In his speedy getaway, his 4X4 bakkie [ute] got stuck in a ditch. It has become clear that the security firm is colluding with the owners and liquidators and are looking for ways to break the occupation.

The workers are fighting to save jobs, pensions and benefits, but also to show that production and society in general can be run without the capitalist bosses. The workers are demanding that the state transfer ownership to the workers and inject capital to revive the business, and are forming a cooperative to run the factory, as a step towards the nationalisation of the company under workers’ control and management.

The occupation of Mine Line is the first action of this kind by workers in South Africa to defend jobs since the onset of the recession in 2008. More than 1 million jobs have been lost in South Africa since the recession set in — according to the IMF this is the world’s highest rate, relative to growth rates. Fifty-five per cent of South Africa’s working-age population is not economically active (although the official unemployment rate is “only” 25%).

The Mine Line workers are refusing to pay for the crisis caused by their boss and are sending a loud and clear message to workers everywhere to do the same.

The workers are mobilising and appealing for the support of other workers and their communities. The Democratic Socialist Movement and the Conference of the Democratic Left, a new united left initiative, are taking an active part in building support for the occupation. A Mine Line/TAP Workers Solidarity Committee has been established, which includes Mine Line/TAP workers and the following organisations: MEWUSA, NACTU, Conference of the Democratic Left, Co-operative and Policy Alternative Centre, Concerned Wits students and Academics, Democratic Socialist Movement, Zabalaza Anarchist Communist Front, Soweto Electricity Crisis Committee, Landless Peoples’ Movement and the Anti-Privatisation Forum.

On October 27, the National Union of Metalworkers of South Africa (NUMSA) expressed its support for the decision taken by Mine Line workers to takeover and the run the company. “This decision taken by workers is consistent with the objectives of the Freedom Charter of making sure that economic power is transferred to the hands of the people”, NUMSA’s regional secretary, Sizwe Dlamini said.

There is now an urgent need to unite the weight of the entire labour movement and the mass struggles of communities and youth into a mass solidarity campaign. Pressure also needs to be put on the company’s main creditors: ABSA bank to pursue the ex-owner, not the company, to recover what is owed to it (he borrowed R35 million on false pretenses and never invested it in the company). The same applies to the R15 million owed to the South African Revenue Services.

The workers have been inspired by the courageous examples set by workers at the Vestas and Visteon occupations in Britain, and are appealing to all working-class political organisations, trade unions and individuals to send brief messages of solidarity to MEWUSA and the Mine Line Workers Committee, as well as letters of protest to the liquidating company (model letter of protest and details below). Please send all messages and protest letters c/- mewusa@lantic.net or to MEWUSA, 107 Market St, Elephant House, 5th floor, Johannesburg 2000, South Africa.

[This article is based on a report that appeared at http://www.socialistworld.net/doc/4626 and other reports.]

Namibia: Reflections on 20 years after independence

Update: Click here to view a video of the debate referred to in this article.

http://links.org.au/node/1594

By Jade McClune, Windhoek

March 23, 2010 — Twenty years ago, at Namibia’s first independence celebrations on March 21, 1990, many people would have shared the hopes and the euphoria of the moment. People thought that something good would come to us if we kept our peace and relinquished all the power to “the few who knew”. Now that terrible hangover is wearing off and time has enforced a certain sobriety on us: the brutish reality of a rapidly falling life expectancy, unprecedented epidemic crises, poverty, vast malnutrition, a ruined education system and chronic mass unemployment, is inescapable.

Yes, there have been achievements: for some people with connections or capital or a lot of luck, life has improved as they moved into the other side of town, but for most citizens life has become meaner and shorter. There is a breakdown of all social and municipal services and a growing chauvinistic brutishness about the bureaucracy. At the same time we are witnessing a new desperate scramble for Africa’s mineral wealth, that will make the evils of 19th century colonialism look pleasant in comparison. So let it be said, the struggle is not over.

We must speak the truth to power, insisted the Palestinian scholar, Edward Said. And in Namibia the truth is that there is actually a war going on, a secret war, a war of the rich against the poor.

Now the ruling class and the ruling South West African People’s Organisation (SWAPO) party have chosen their team for parliament, but the poor and unemployed, the destitute and the diseased, the hungry and depressed — though still pacified and disorientated by the shock of post-colonial economic reality – remain a lurking threat to the established order of extracting our natural wealth. Although there is a call for all to pull together as a nation now, there are many forces more strongly pulling us apart.

The ideological hegemony and control of the nationalists is not as strong as it was two decades ago when the whole world was celebrating “the miracle”. Because even now there is no clear way to resolve the outstanding tasks of the national democratic revolution under SWAPO (or the African National Congress in South Africa) leadership. The land and natural resources are still under foreign ownership and control and the majority live in a concentration of shacks. This very day, after returning from Namibia’s celebrations South African President Jacob Zuma was faced with masses of people marching for houses, jobs and a decent life in Durban.

Today SWAPO does not claim to be leading the Namibian revolution. The party has gone over entirely, decisively and openly to the side of global capital and actually facilitates the extraction economy as the party of law and order, so it acts not so much as a representative of the people, but rather performs an “overseer”, or managerial function on behalf of Western capital. This is reflected above all in the government’s neoliberal economic strategy, which involves giving everything up to the highest bidder. That much is becoming clear to everyone. Today we are faced with an even greater threat to our health and safety as government begins to soften up and open up the country to whore itself to the world as an easy source of uranium.

For all these terrible reasons the representatives of capital, in the form of an emerging national capitalist class, must come more and more into direct conflict with the people who are bearing the brunt of so much exploitation and inequality. The reason being that increasingly the conflicting class interests that separate the political elites from the masses of rural and urban poor, make rubbish of the notion that the elites represent the national interest, as they are openly seen as allies and accomplices of international capital, so the workers who have to pay for it all, including the accompanying pomp and ceremony, are forced to rethink our position, because not only our jobs, but often our very lives depend on it.

If we scratch beneath the surface of this idea of the “national interest”, we find that it refers to the partial interests of the ruling class and economic interest groups. Radical analysis has been suppressed from the national debates in the mainstream, but we must persist in presenting the perspective from the left and show that unbridled capitalism is at the core of the social contradiction and crisis engulfing, and indeed devouring, the country.

This is not an isolated view. As a baromoter of international opinion one need only refer to the motion [debated by the Friends of Namibia and the Royal African Society] at the Houses of Parliament in London on March 18, which proposed that Namibia is a shining example of democracy, good governance and post colonial development. It was voted down.

The point is for us not to base ourselves on vague hopes and fantasies, nice as they may be, but on our real historical experience. Our history is contested, that is true, but it is being reclaimed and rewritten from below. That is a basis for reclaiming our future. Based on the experience of the past 20 years, the working class must prepare itself for a period of renewed struggle as we face attacks on our living and working standards; we must prepare for renewed struggles to defend our communities from the causes and effects of superexploitation and from privatisation of services. We will have to struggle for a renewed understanding that only the combined force, effort and will of the working class can solve the cause of economic inequality and lead the oppressed people of the country out of this crisis.

[Jade McClune is an independent researcher and former coordinator of the Archives of Anti-Colonial Resistance in Windhoek. He writes for the online journal, The New Worker.]