Category Archives: Niren Tolsi

M&G: Mandela Day: You cannot do much in 67 minutes

http://mg.co.za/article/2012-07-19-mandela-day-you-cannot-do-much-in-67-minutes

Mandela Day: You cannot do much in 67 minutes

by Niren Tolsi & Aneesa Fazel

Activists believe a bit of paint does little to make a difference and that honouring Nelson Mandela needs true commitment.

With half the country’s politicians apparently rolling up their sleeves on Mandela Day to paint something – orphanages, old-age homes, schools, anything, really – the obvious, cynical question doing the rounds was: Who received the tender to supply the paint?

Perhaps less obvious was whether these 67 minutes were spent doing something that showed a level of activism worthy of the man Nelson Mandela and the years he spent in prison. Did they actually add to South Africans’ collective commitment to community and community activism? Was July 18, with its deluge of celebrities and politicians gushing about the cathartic and spiritual alignment they experienced while spending 67 minutes watching paint dry an effective tool in reversing the often criticised post-apartheid trend of apathy?

The Democratic Left Front’s Mazibuko Jara believes it was good to get individuals to contribute their time to a cause worthier than themselves, but the actions on Mandela Day “do not help to get communities organised in a sustainable, progressive and transformative way so that these communities can change their lives for themselves”.

“Mandela Day leaves structural issues within communities and becomes a propaganda tool for the government to gloss over systematic problems,” Jara said.

It is a view echoed by Mnikelo Ndabankulu, of the shack-dweller movement Abahlali baseMjondolo, who described it as a “media opportunity for celebrities and politicians”.

Keeping track

“If someone really plans to be an activist, they need a scorecard from July 19 2012 until July 17 2013 to keep track of what they do. Activism is a daily, lifelong thing, not something for just one day.

“Real activism is what we do at an organisational level, working every day to serve people, keep them informed and fighting against injustices like the lack of services in shack settlements, not painting a school for a few hours on one day of the year,” said Ndabankulu.

He spent July 18 helping people in Durban’s Kennedy Road to rebuild their shacks after a weekend fire gutted about 50 homes.

Not because it was Mandela Day, he said, but because it was what he did, having spent the previous week protesting against the pollution by oil refineries in the Durban South Basin, attending all-night prayer meetings and then assisting at Kennedy Road.

Noting that most of the minutes of activism on July 18 revolved around the dishing out of food hampers and donating homes to people, Jara underlined the debilitating effect this sort of action – however well-intentioned – would have on the agency of ordinary communities to organise themselves.

A national effort

“It’s not about building power through communities … It’s still not contributing to the idea of a national effort to address the systematic problems we face,” he said.

At 8am on Wednesday, this was plain to see: politicians kitted out in eThekwini municipality overalls were gearing up for their 67 minutes of Mandela Day “activism”.

It entailed “donating houses in Inanda”, handing out “R100 000 worth of equipment” such as fridges to old-age homes, “donating food parcels” and, of course, painting anything that was not going to move.

Chief whip and former eThekwini deputy mayor Logie Naidoo said: “We will not engender activism in the country if our actions on Mandela Day are not sustainable.”

He said it was important for the ANC to declare the next 10 years “the decade of the cadre” because “the country needs selfless, dedicated and knowledgeable cadres”.

Hegemonic tendencies

The Mail & Guardian pointed out that the ANC’s hegemonic tendencies sometimes hampered community activism. An example was the occupation of the office of Nomzamo Mkhize, councillor for ward 88, by members of Abahlali and the Unemployed People’s Movement, who called for her arrest after she had allegedly physically attacked community activists from those organisations.

Naidoo said he was unaware of the attacks, but the “ANC must be encouraging other civil society organisations to get involved so that we are unified in how we face and deal with the country’s problems”.

For designer Gert-Johan Coetzee, Mandela Day is about the everyday, in little ways: “I am now more aware of doing good and doing it throughout the year. It makes a difference in my life to add value to the lives of others.”

Coetzee spent Mandela Day “joining the protest rally for the activation of micro-loans for women in Africa. This would enable women to take their businesses further.”

He also donated animal food to the SPCA and attended a Save the Rhino event later that evening.

Away from July 18, every year he designs a matric dance dress for an underprivileged pupil.

M&G: The rise and rise of the Rastafari

http://mg.co.za/article/2011-10-14-the-rise-and-of-rastafari

The rise and rise of the Rastafari

NIREN TOLSI – Oct 14 2011

The reggae band Horry Quagga is busting a groove on a Sunday afternoon in Wesbank, a township near Delft, north-east of Cape Town.

Band member Barry Korana is tongue-twisting a series of clicks into the microphone, the quills in his animal skin crown dancing to crunchy guitar chords. The combination of reggae music, vocal acrobatics and plumes of marijuana smoke lends a spectral quality to the performance.

After his set, Korana says: “We sing about the Khoisan people, the aboriginal people of this country, and what has actually happened with us.

“It’s about being disrespected by other races, having our land stolen from us and how we need to rise up from what is happening with us now — young people using drugs, drinking, unemployment, our people having no future — and needing to unite and fight the system.”

Korana is speaking to the Mail & Guardian in a car park next to one of the ubiquitous glass-strewn, balding patches of grass that double as recreational grounds in Cape Town’s ghettoes.

On the stage behind him, a “selecta”, or deejay, is dropping dancehall tunes to a crowd of about 400 people gathered for a “One Love” concert, one of several hosted every year by Rasta communities.

Aside from the methodical — and constant — cleaning and crushing of marijuana, which is then stuffed into bottleneck “chalices” for consumption, the gathering has the appearance of any other Sunday afternoon community get-together.

People move between groups, laughing and talking. Rasta mothers in headscarves tend to young children, while catching up on the latest gossip over shared flasks of tea and sandwiches. Dreadlocks swish through the air like momentary peacock tails as young and old cut loose to the beats and bass.

‘Targeted persecution’

Judah Bush (also known as Winston Scheepers), a Bush Radio disc jockey who has a weekly reggae show, which also deals with matters Rastafarian, says Cape Town’s Rasta community has been “pushed through targeted persecution” to provide its own entertainment and cultural needs. “We don’t really have nightclubs, coffee shops or restaurants — places we can call our own and emerge as business people — because the police are always raiding us for marijuana, harassing us or trying to solicit bribes,” he says.

The Rasta response has been inventive: dancehall sessions, known colloquially as “dubs”, have sprung up in several of the informal settlements that pockmark Cape Town.

From one-off gigs in community halls in Tafelsig to the regular events at Marcus Garvey settlement in Philippi and the Thursday night sessions at Hangberg’s Red Lion shack club, with its panoramic views over Hout Bay harbour, the city’s shantytowns are heaving to some big bass sounds.

Papa Sam (51) has started his own “dub” session in a lean-to in Eerste Rivier where he caters for crowds who want “conscious roots reggae, because there is so much new dance-hall that is all about sex and disrespectful of women,” he says.

Part of the early generation of Cape Town’s Rastas, Papa Sam, I-Man-Taxi and King Tubby are selectas considered to have been influential in spreading Rastafari through the reggae music they were playing in the early Eighties.

Of the early stages of Rastafari in Cape Town, Papa Sam says: “There were not many Rastas, or reading material then, because of apartheid. But there was the music and the lyrics were of a higher consciousness.

“Then I was a nobody, but I became a somebody with the music and the message, the political message of Bob Marley and Peter Tosh — the music taught us about being African and proud and standing up for our rights,” says Sam after his deejay shift in Eerste Rivier.

It’s a view shared by Trevor Ebden (48) who became a Rasta in 1981 as he became more politicised and active in the anti-apartheid struggle. Ebden, who worked as a deck-hand on ships, said his travels and those of others, “to places like New York allowed us to buy banned or unavailable reggae LPs, which we made into mix-tapes for the brothers and the deejays who helped spread the message in the beginning”.

Although there are almost no statistics available, many in the Rasta community agree that the city is experiencing a significant “uprising” — more people, especially so-called “coloureds” are becoming Rastas.

Younger generation on the rise

Ras Reuben Tafari, a member of the Elders’ Full Circle, which was formed in an attempt to bring together about 30 of the older Rasta heads from around Cape Town to work through divisions in the community (there are several) and to conscientise “the younger generation who are rising,” says: “Ten years ago I would walk down Long Street and knock fists [in Rasta greeting] with maybe one brethren, today you can’t go a hundred metres without meeting a Rastaman.”

But, he says, the “uprising” comes with its own problems, not least that younger Rastas believe it gives them free rein to “smoke the ganja and act cool”.

“Rasta is not about being cool. With the Elders’ Circle we are trying to teach the youth men about what it really means to be Rasta,” says Tafari, adding that this includes conscientising people about the pan-Africanist political philosophy of Marcus Garvey and the religious tenets found in the Old Testament.

There are several hypotheses being bandied about to try to explain the “uprising”.

For Ebden, it is about the fulfilment of Rasta political prophecies: “The markets are falling and the revolution — the peaceful Rasta revolution — is on its way. The economic system’s downfall was prophesised by Marcus Garvey, Bob Marley and Peter Tosh, and a new age is about to start, that’s why people are turning to Rasta,” he says.

Bush suggests there is also growth across generations as first-generation or so-called “water Rastas” from the Eighties and Nineties grow up, get married and “give birth to pure-bred Rastas”.

There are also Cape Town-specific reasons. Many youth and elders say it provides an alternative to gangsterism for ghetto youth who are marginalised, ill-educated and see no futures for themselves. The anti-establishment, alternative lifestyle nature of Rastafari fits in well with their disenchantment.

For Kurt Orderson, a 29-year-old Rasta filmmaker who goes by the moniker Ras Azania, combining Rasta and black-consciousness philosophies “provides a political and revolutionary platform from which to question the post-1994 status quo and send a message to the mainstream that a luta continua. If you are working class, poor and unemployed in Cape Town, Rasta becomes your voice,” he says.

The denigration

Academics have drawn direct correlations between the denigration of communities in Jamaica and their turn to Rastafari — and similar trends can be detected in Cape Town.

William Ellis, of the University of the Western Cape’s department of anthropology and sociology, says “while there is no real evidence that the so-called ‘coloured community’ in Cape Town has been consciously neglected more than other races, there is a strong perception within the community that it has been marginalised”.

This, suggests Ellis and various Rastas, could explain the recent upsurge in Rastafari — and, more latterly, one that also has elements of Khoisan identity politics constructed into it.

Ellis, whose research fields include Khoisan identity, cultural politics and land ownership, says: “The whole notion of Khoisanness is one key identity that is available to so-called ‘coloured’ people.”

Ras Azania, Judah Bush and others agree that there is a new Rastafari identity conflating with notions of “colouredness” and Khoisan ethnicity.

This — it has been suggested by Capetonians both within and outside the Rasta community — burgeoned, especially after the United Nations’ Declaration on the Rights of Indigenous People in 2007, which recognised the Khoisan as the aboriginal people of South Africa.

Statutory recognition

The South African government is also aiming for increased statutory recognition of Khoisan communities and leadership structures in bodies such as the House of Traditional Leaders, with the national Traditional Affairs Bill already passing through various consultative phases in September.

Korana, who is from Hangberg, says: “The Boesman invented the drum so the Boesman was a Niyabingi [see The three main sects below] … We are the original people of this country, and to free ourselves, we need to reclaim what was stolen from us: our identity and our land.”

Ellis says when Khoisanness is interpreted as an “authentic identity” and linked to “perceptions among ‘coloured’ people that they are being marginalised” in the democratic South Africa it has the potential to “be erroneously read”, leading to the development of a “brown nationalism'” — anathema to an Africanist understanding of Rastafari.

“Lots of Rastas are going with the Khoisan movement and, while it is good to embrace your roots, it shouldn’t be placed before Rastafari, because then you are creating a new kind of tribalism,” says Ebden.

This, according to many Rastas, feeds some of the divisions already apparent in the community. Although, broadly, there is a sense of racial harmony among Cape Town’s Rastas, the community is also extremely fractious.

Renecia Scheepers (33), Judah Bush’s wife, who gives natural food and health tips on Bush Radio — such as how to drain and use aloe juice to grow dreadlocks — says she has experienced segregation on the dance floor occasionally: “Personally, there has been the odd occasion [on the dance floor] when the black sisters are separate from the coloured sisters who are separate from the white sisters, but it could also be put down to the language barrier.”

Judah Bush says: “Cape Town Rastas are definitely the most fundamentalist and divided in the world. When Rastas from other countries come here they are surprised at our lack of flexibility, especially over really stupid things like the mix-and-clean divide.”

The mix-and-clean divide exists across Cape Town and sees Rastas who smoke marijuana without tobacco disassociating themselves from those who mix it with tobacco. It is, apparently, a big deal.

For Ebden, it is “each to his own when it comes to smoking ganja, but I prefer smoking clean. When I smoke clean it takes me to a higher level of meditation, I see the stuff I am meditating about and it takes me to a higher cause. I used to smoke mix, but it made me feel dof, tired and dirty sometimes,” he says.

“Clean smokers” like Ebden say it is preferred for health reasons.

But divisions between sects like the Bobo Ashanti, the Twelve Tribes and the Niyabingi also exist.

In this environment racial tension — despite some protestations — does exist and Ellis is wary that an “emergent brown nationalism” could lead to even deeper divisions, that mimic apartheid, between “coloureds” and blacks.

There is also an apparent tension between radical and conservative traditions inherent in Cape Town’s “uprising”.

The most obvious include Rastas invading open land in Tafelsig earlier this year and last year’s Battle of Hangberg that saw residents living in the informal settlement above Hout Bay mobilising to resist eviction by the local municipality.

Residents, many of whom are Rasta and claim to have Khoisan roots, faced down police rubber bullets and tear gas with their own bodies.

Junaid Said, also known as Naftali, was on the frontline of that struggle and says: “Where I live, this piece of land, it is my destiny.”

Naftali says Sentinel Hill, or Horryquagga Mountain, has “spiritual symbolism for the Khoisan and needs to be defended, otherwise it will be stolen by the DA [municipality] and the rich white people who want to develop this ground and live here”.

Police bullets during resistance is one of many daily experiences of violence, intimidation and harassment Rastas face in Cape Town. Many speak of constantly being stopped and searched for drugs by police. Schoolchildren talk of being persecuted by teachers at their schools because of their dreadlocks — the Western Cape education department has faced several legal cases in response to Rasta children being expelled from local schools or being forced to cut off their locks.

Last month five Rastafari warders, who were fired from Pollsmoor Prison in 2007 for wearing dreads, won a Labour Appeal Court case for unfair dismissal.

“The general impression is that we are lazy, dirty people,” says Judah Bush, “which we, as progressive Rastas, want to change — we need to show society that we can also be filmmakers, accountants and teachers.”

Orderson says persecution and intolerance has led to bloodshed. His short film, David v Goliath, dealt with the murder of Ras Champion, a Rasta elder who was allegedly defending a crèche in the Marcus Garvey informal settlement in Philippi when he was “shot at close range by police who were on a drug raid”.

In the face of such adversity the dubs rise like glorious Rastafari roses in the muck and grime of shack settlements.

Banging early into the morning almost every day of the week and with music ranging from roots reggae to dub-step, they provide both refuge and catharsis not merely for the Rasta experience, but for the marginalised too.

*******

The three main sects

There are several “mansions” or sects of Rastafari, including the Bobo Shanti, the Nyabinghi and the Twelve Tribes of Israel.

The Bobo Shanti was founded by Emmanuel Charles Edwards in Jamaica in 1958, with Edwards considered the reincarnation of Jesus Christ. Followers believe in black supremacy and the repatriation of all black people to Africa. Their dress codes include long flowing robes and turbans.

The Twelve Tribes of Israel was formed by the prophet Gad and followers believe Haile Selassie was the direct descendent of kings David and Solomon. Based on the 12 sons of Jacob, a member of the tribe assumes the name of Jacob’s son that correlates with the month in which they were born.

The Nyabinghi Order emerged from a possession cult in modern-day Uganda and Rwanda in the 18th century. Nyabingi means “black victory” and its music (especially the use of drums) exists as spiritual Rasta music outside of reggae.

M&G: Occupy Wall Street uprising could be ‘explosive’

http://mg.co.za/article/2011-10-14-occupy-wall-street-uprising-could-be-explosive

Occupy Wall Street uprising could be ‘explosive’

Niren Tolsi

Occupy New York’s Wall Street. Occupy Cape Town’s Company Gardens. Occupy mailboxes of senators and congressmen. Occupy your mind …

The millions of unemployed around the world can, finally, find an occupation these days, it seems, as momentum from the camped protest at New York’s Zuccotti Park near Wall Street continues to spread to other cities in the United States and beyond American borders to Australia, the Czech Republic and South Africa.

October 15 has been earmarked as an international day of action and, according to the occupywallstreet.com website, activists in 650 cities worldwide have confirmed participation.

South African organisers said this week that occupations were being planned in Durban and East London’s city halls, the JSE’s Exchange Square in Johannesburg, Cape Town’s Company Gardens and Grahamstown’s High Street.

Local mobilisation is happening under the broad umbrella of a recently formed movement called Operation Ubuntu. Its Facebook contact goes by the pseudonym “Joe Hani”.

Hani told the Mail & Guardian that “no country is more worthy of an uprising against capitalism than South Africa” because of the high unemployment rate, “the second widest class divide in the world” and the “legal robbery of [natural] resources” by corporations like Anglo-American.

Hani said protests would raise the issue of “social ills”, such as South Africa’s high murder rate. If the gripes appear broad, they mirror the still flowering politics of the original protesters in New York.

Slovenian political philosopher Slavoj Zizek, who addressed the New York crowd last Sunday, urged them to guard against a mere “harmless, moral protest”, arguing that “we are allowed to think about alternatives” to capitalism.

Zizek said: “We know what we don’t want. But what do we want? What social organisation can replace capitalism. What type of leaders do we want?”

The Facebook mobilisation appears largely driven by concerned citizens who are white and middle class and have an affinity for the global anticapitalist narrative.

An academic in Durban, who chose to remain anonymous, said: “The protest here is being organised totally arse-backwards.”

The Facebook campaign, the Occupy Durban City Hall page, has 126 people confirmed to attend the protest. It was being run “by white kids who are not ­usually plugged into social activism or to activist networks. I think it will be a massive fizzle-out, but I’m still going.”

Jared Sacks, a leftist activist from the Western Cape also had ­reservations about the Cape Town protests being a “privileged white thing”.

However, he remained optimistic, saying that at a planning meeting in Salt River, “the white Facebook-types” were completely surprised by the activist communities on the ground ­- this may be a good conscientising lesson for the middle class”.

Several social movements claiming to represent the marginalised have yet to join.

Anti-Eviction Campaign Western Cape chairperson Mncedisi Twalo said the movement was still meeting to discuss the protest and “get clarity on its agenda” before the movement could take a collective decision on whether to participate. The shack-dwellers’ movement, Abahlali baseMjondolo, held the same position.

But the Unemployed Peoples’ Movement has joined the protest. Chairperson Ayanda Kota said it has “printed 100 T-shirts and has been going into the Grahamstown townships conscientising people about the issues and mobilising them for October 15”.

She said: “We, the poor, suffer whenever companies fix the price of bread or when there are more job losses while chief executives get rich. But our protest is also localised, in the sense that we are protesting about the R19-million that is unaccounted for by the Makana municipality, the R240 000 spent by local government on bogus soccer development clinics and the privatisation of our struggle by the ANC.”

Richard Pithouse, a Rhodes University political scientist, said the Grahamstown occupation protest could stand out as an example to other cities. It had been preceded by months of careful political work involving the Unemployed Peoples’ Movement and the Students for Social Justice. This had culminated in “a negotiated solidarity based on equality” between disillusioned middle-class youth and grassroots communities, which had “explosive political potential”, said Pithouse.

*******

Protest moves from Wall Street to world

New York’s “Occupy Wall Street” protest began with a call to Americans by Canadian anti-consumerist publication Adbusters in mid-July to occupy the area, considered the world’s financial hub and the pre-eminent symbol of capitalism, on September 17.

Initially a few hundred gathered, but the numbers soon began to swell. The Guardian newspaper estimated this week that there were about 15 000 protesters congregated in Zuccotti Park, near the city’s stock exchange.

There have been reports and online footage of tough police action against the demonstrators, including peaceful female protesters being pepper-sprayed and the mass arrests of about 700 people who tried to occupy the city’s landmark Brooklyn Bridge.

Those gathered in New York include ideologically motivated anarchists and other activists, but also teachers, artisans, students and the unemployed. They appear to cut across class, age and race.

Grievances include unhappiness with the global economic system and the perception that while American taxpayers funded the bailout of United States financial institutions after the 2008 economic crisis, they suffered the consequences of the meltdown in the form of unemployment, the loss of homes and pension funds and continued personal debt.

Other grievances highlighted by the protesters include concern about insufficiently transparent government, a corrupt political campaign financing system in need of reform, genetically modified food and factory farming.

Demonstrators have also called for a return to a more utopian, grassroots democracy.

Such democracy is articulated in the day-to-day organisation of the occupation. Protesters meet twice a day at a general assembly where all decisions — from running the pop-up communal kitchen that feeds protesters to deciding when to stage a march — are debated and voted on.

According to reports in the New York Times and the Guardian, among other publications, the atmosphere is peaceful and festive. Expressions of solidarity with the occupiers have come from across the world.

The protesters are being fed by supplies donated from sympathetic organisations and individuals, including markets, farmers, individuals at home and restaurants.

People around the US and the world have called on restaurants in the Wall Street area to support the occupation and have ordered take-aways for delivery to the protesters.

From this tiny germ, says the protesters’ website, occupywallstreet.com, the occupation has spread to 650 cities across the world.

M&G: Kennedy Road 12 taste freedom

http://mg.co.za/article/2011-07-29-kennedy-road-12-taste-freedom/

Kennedy Road 12 taste freedom
NIREN TOLSI – Jul 29 2011

Outside the Durban magistrate’s court last week members of the “Kennedy Road 12” 12 members of Abahlali baseMjondolo, a shackdwellers movement based in Durban — stood blinking in the sunlight, almost un­able to believe their fate.

“I’m just too happy. I can’t believe I am outside again,” said 24-year-old Sibulelo Mambi, one of them.

An hour earlier, a nightmare that had begun almost two years ago for the 12 finally ended when magistrate Sharon Marks acquitted them of charges ranging from murder to public violence.

The charges related to a deadly attack on Durban’s Kennedy Road informal settlement in September 2009 which left two dead and thousands fleeing for their lives.

Evidence led by the state failed to shed light on the still murky events of that night, with Marks describing the state’s witnesses as “belligerent”, “unreliable” and “dishonest”.

In the attack, armed men who were calling for the ethnic cleansing of amaPondo from the settlement laid siege to a local community hall where the Abahlali baseMjondolo social movement’s youth wing was holding an all-night workshop. The terror that followed included the destruction of Abahlali leaders’ homes in Kennedy Road and the death of Nthokozisi Ndlovu and Ndumiso Mnguni.

Abahlali has long claimed that the attacks were instigated by the local ANC, with the possible collusion of local tavern owners. Their aim, Abahlali says, was to eviscerate a movement outside of mainstream politics that was mobilising poor people to uplift communities in informal settlements.

It is also alleged it was payback for the movement having the temerity to challenge the provincial government legally over the KwaZulu-Natal Slums Act, a case won in the Constitutional Court weeks before the attack.

The claims have been dismissed by the ANC.

Anglican Bishop Rubin Phillip, who provided support for the Kennedy Road 12, also described the arrests as politically motivated.

“Abahlali’s victory is a victory for all who speak the truth,” Phillip said.

“It is a victory that should give courage to the poor of eThekweni, of South Africa and the world who organise and mobilise and who speak and act for themselves.

“That is never an easy path and it seems always to provoke slander and violence from the powerful and the rich and from those who would rather speak for the poor than listen.”

The Socio-Economic Rights Insti­tute of South Africa (Seri), which with Trudie Nicholls Attorneys in Durban represented the 12, said that Marks “expressed disquiet that police identity-parade witnesses had been coached to point out members of an Imfene dance group closely associated with Abahlali rather than anyone who had been seen perpetrating the violence”.

After the state had closed its case the Kennedy 12 were granted an acquittal under Section 174 of the Criminal Procedure Act on the grounds of a lack of clear evidence against the accused.

Seri executive director Jackie Dugard said last week’s verdict “raises worrying questions about police complicity in attempts to repress Abahlali’s legitimate and lawful activities on behalf of poor and vulnerable people living in informal settlements across South Africa”.

“We now call upon the police to launch a full and proper investigation into the attacks on Abahlali and to bring the real perpetrators of the violence to justice,” Dugard said.

Although there is no clarity about what happened at Kennedy Road that night the 12 have no doubts about what has happened since.

Outside court, Sicelo Mambi (31) revealed stab wounds on his stomach and head, which he said he suffered while in custody.

“It was because of intimidation. If you don’t belong to a gang, they will come after you,” he said.

Since the arrests the families of all of the Kennedy Road 12 have moved out of the settlement, many back to the Eastern Cape, and the 12 view it as imperative to be reunited with their families, rebuild their lives and find jobs again. A civil action suit has also been instituted against the state.

Two years ago the 12 had very little, and their long walk to freedom began again on Mandela Day.

M&G: Exchanging one sorrow for another

http://mg.co.za/article/2011-07-03-exchanging-one-sorrow-for-another/

Exchanging one sorrow for another
NIREN TOLSI GRAHAMSTOWN, SOUTH AFRICA – Jul 03 2011 16:55

At some point Grahamstown turns into a pumpkin — even during the National Arts Festival that runs here until July 11 and adds an air of cultured cosmopolitanism to a town otherwise populated by the unemployed, frontier farmers and the extremes of academia (a range encompassing vegan enviro-fascists all the way through to drunken “philosophers” who study commerce, it would appear).

For the brave souls searching for Dyonisian excess — or merely counting on liquor being the best defence against the biting cold — that time usually arrives at around 2am in the morning when the bars and pubs start shutting down.

The Monastry, down a side-alley on New Street was open until 6am, the friendly staff at the Albany Club on High Street advised at last rounds on Saturday night. Only problem was, they’d run out of anything decent to sluk at the Monastry: “We have semi-sweet boxed wine, Castle Lager quarts and cane,” said the barmen over the din of cheap Pop 40 tunes. “Erm, no abbey beers, then?”

The limited choices rendered drinking further a prospect slightly more appealing than de-bollocking oneself with a blunt spoon while watching The Battle of Algiers (Incidentally, Gillo Pontecorvo’s incendiary masterpiece screens at ThinkFest! on July 9 as part of the Frantz Fanon series at the festival).

With an early Sunday morning deadline swiftly approaching, the electric blanket was having a come-hither whisper in the ear.

But the frontline of journalism is a dangerous trench, where putting one’s health and sobriety on the line is an occupational hazard: The cast of Abnormal Loads (written and directed by 2011 Standard Bank Young Artist for Drama Neil Coppen) had completed their festival run and were cutting loose.

Having sat in on rehearsals and interviewed Coppen, it felt imperative that a first-hand account of the experiences on the stage — over what later appeared a case of wine — was an imperative.

So, to the Long Table, a quasi-egalitarian space (diners sit at long trestle tables, rubbing shoulders and reviews of the shows they’ve seen with strangers, but the food is overpriced and microwaved up) that stays open until about 4.30am.

With the pressure off, and some of the 12-person cast heading out of Grahamstown the next morning, there was a lot of love in the air. They are a fun, really nice bunch of people and there is gushing over the “egoless” experience and more than one of the actors suggest that working on Abnormal Loads has led to real growth — both professional and personal.

Mothusi Magona (Tsotsi, The Lab) and Junna Dunster (Isidingo), the leads of this visually epic dramatic comedy, discussed the challenges of moving from the screen on to the stage. Neither have done much theatre (Magona mainly as a student at Wits University), which “requires greater interiority” as opposed to the large presence one needs on stage.

The latter is much harder for Magona, who is similar to the meek, mild-mannered character, Vincent he plays in Abnormal Loads. “I don’t get out much,” he says apologetically, often.

But they’ve obviously scored kudos with the audience: Two girls come over and animatedly discuss the play’s ending with the cast — one of them admits to leading the standing ovation during their final show.

But the National Arts Festival is obviously more than drunken nocturnal conversations about art that you loved or loathed.

Retired Constitutional Court judge Albie Sachs delivered a gracious and insightful talk entitled Challenging Questions — Have the Beautyful People Been Born — a play on Ghanaian writer Ai Kwe Armah’s critique of post-colonial corruption in the novel, The Beautyful Ones are not Yet Born.

Sachs, who felt that the South African Constitution “recognises both the possibility and the fallibility of humanity”, flagged corruption, sexual predation and unemployment as post-apartheid South Africa’s main challenges.

He also took the audience into the nuanced contestations between progressive, humanistic elements within the ruling ANC and the more regressive emergent tendencies. These are ongoing, he assured the audience.

Journalist Denis Beckett followed Sachs as one of ThinkFest!’s Free Thinking Speakers. His talk, entitled Muammar, Hosni, Laurent and the End of Democracy as We Know It was mildly unconvincing.

Beckett essentially suggested that the historical trajectory of power meant it was being increasingly devolved away from the elite and towards the majority. That democracy was at stage two — where one is the lowest and stage 10 the ideal articulation of democracy — and that stage two was the first “without guns or knives”, but rather a revolution happening in the minds.

This was difficult to buy when stage two democracy in South Africa is characterised by increasing state violence against dissident voices as evidenced by the murder of Andries Tatane in Ficksburg, the attempted evisceration, allegedly by elements connected to the local ANC, of the Abahlali baseMjondolo shack dwellers movement at Kennedy Road shack settlement in 2009, et cetera.

Abahlali’s mobilisation in Kennedy Road and other shack settlements had shades of a new Swiss Canton-style democracy that Beckett appeared to be advocating: that those, portioned off into smaller communities, most affected by decisions, would have the most say in those decisions.

Away from the matters relating to South Africa’s beguiling, contradictory constitutional democracy, one was reminded of Jacques Rancière’s observation that “the important thing is the possibility to exchange one sorrow for another, and in a sense the pleasure in literature and culture is the ability to exchange one sorrow for another sorrow”, at the jazz gig showcasing English saxophonist Soweto Kinch and Standard Bank Young Jazz Artist for 2011, pianist Bokani Dyer.

The set moved from critiques of war to the sheer pleasure of sound leaving Rancière, Sachs and Abnormal Loads to echo into the frigid night.