Category Archives: transit camps

Daily News: Judgment a victory for 38 families

The pictures that were included with this article are here.

http://www.iol.co.za/dailynews/news/judgment-a-victory-for-38-families-1.1387449#.UHLAupjMhlE

Judgment a victory for 38 families

September 20 2012 at 02:06pm
By Daily News Reporter

The Durban High Court had sent a clear message to the eThekwini Municipality that it could no longer “dump people in transit camps” but should instead provide them with proper houses, the shack dwellers movement, Abahlali baseMjondolo, said.

The movement’s chairman, Sbu Zikode, was reacting after the court on Wednesday upheld a 2009 court order that obliged the city to provide proper houses to the 38 families of the Siyanda informal settlement in KwaMashu who were forcibly removed from their shacks and placed in transit camps to make way for the construction of a road three years ago. Continue reading

Mercury: Temporary Camps That Become Prisons

The published version is attached, below. The text here is of the original version.

The Forgotten World of Transit Camps

Mark Hunter

In cities across the country there has been something of a quiet epidemic of tiny state built structures called transit camps—or amathini (tins) by those who live in them.

Transit Camps are purportedly temporary places to where shack dwellers are relocated while their RDP houses are being built. They are not designed to be inhabited for a long time; the problem is that this is exactly what has happened.

“We were told that we would get a house in 6 months” said Thembi Gumede (a pseudonym), who lived in a shack in Durban until moved to Isipingo Transit Camp in 2009. But now 3 years has passed. “They promised toilets and good houses at the Transit Camp,” said Mr. Ngcobo, “but we are left to die.” “We have been thrown away,” said Mrs. Magwaza.

On 19 Sept. this year, the Durban High Court ruled that city officials would be fined or imprisoned if they did not find permanent homes for residents of Richmond Farm Transit Camp. EThekwini had ignored a ruling three years earlier requiring it to do so in less than a year. Complainants were dumped in this camp when their RDP houses were wrongly assigned.

Transit camps can be a one way ticket to unbearable conditions. Floods haunt the settlement built in Isipingo, south Durban. Located inexplicably on a flood plain next to the Isipingo River, in March this year a torrent of water engulfed the settlement and almost every house is now stamped with a vivid watermark up to a metre high above ground.

Children play daily near dirty water whose stench gets stronger as summer approaches. Portaloo toilets provided by the city are much less clean than the self-built structures at the shack settlement from where they were removed. The debilitating TB germ has now taken hold of the settlement, and diarrhea is common among young and old.

If you are a child, and have not succumbed to the bacteria, you will grow up being told to avoid electric cables protruding invitingly from the ground. The permanent limp of one young boy stands as a tragic advert for the disfigurement that one massive shock unleashed. Had illegal electricity connections not been made—let’s be clear—paraffin and candle fires would have taken their own noxious toll.

In 2009, I interviewed some of Isipingo Transit Camp’s residents when they were still living in shacks near King’s Rest rail station at the Bluff, Durban, my research focused on the schooling problems faced by shack dwellers.

The settlement was overcrowded and starved of services. Few residents found permanent work. Yet its location did offer intermittent means of subsistence, perhaps R50 to R100 a day working as domestic workers, in local factories, or at the port. The backbreaking task of collecting sellable scrap metal from suburban houses fashioned probably the most critical buffer to starvation.

Though nobody praised living in a shack, the colloquial name for the settlement Emantombazaneni (place of women) signalled a sense of the community that congealed after 2001 when several women first moved to this location. These women chose to make a temporary home in the thick Bluff bushes after police destroyed their shacks located near to Bayhead.

It was in late 2009 that city officials moved residents to Isipingo Transit Camp. Former Bluff residents joined those removed from settlements elsewhere, including one near to Umlazi’s soccer stadium. Now, over 700 households live in tiny rooms with wafer thin walls and corroding corrugated steel roofs.

At Isipingo, the R50 to R100 jobs that bought a few meals have mostly disappeared, and no longer can residents grow the odd crop or tend chickens, as they could when staying in shacks. They now compete with several thousand other residents for work, the high cost of public transport making mobility for job seeking almost impossible.

Local domestic labour is worse paid, maybe only R20 a day, and harder to find. Residents might collect scrap paper instead of metal, and earn R20 a day. Everyone I knew from Emantombazaneni says that they are worse off, and regret their move.

These conditions create solidarity and deep care among residents but they can also divide communities, for instance when groups lock toilets in an attempt to keep them clean or compete over who might gain from tenders to maintain the settlement.

Why, then, are residents located and kept in transit camps? It is no secret that the run up to the 2010 Soccer World Cup unleashed a zealous attack on shack dwellers, symbolized in KwaZulu-Natal by the 2007 Slum Elimination Act that was eventually ruled unconstitutional after being challenged by the shack dwellers’ movement Abahlali baseMjondolo.

At Emantombazaneni the stated reason for residents’ removal in 2009 was the building of a fuel pipeline on the settled land. But technical reasons are often summoned somewhat promiscuously to remove shacks. Some residents had in fact lived on the other side of the railway tracks from the proposed pipeline and, ironically, elsewhere in Durban residents fought against attempts to place the same pipe so close to their homes.

The rhetoric of slum clearance by state officials certainly reflects a wider anti-shack prejudice that stretches back to the colonial period. But eThekwini has won prizes for its housing strategy and many in government are genuinely motivated by the belief that no-one should suffer the indignity of living in a shack.

And when state coercion and benevolence come together they can fuel a sentiment whereby formal housing, even in transit camps, is always seen as superior to informal housing. Those that question this logic, such as the shack dwellers’ organization Abahlali baseMjondolo, can be condemned by government as an “anti-development” annoyance at best, an enemy at worse.

State bureaucracies also manifest a technocratic logic whereby if a shack is removed and its residents located to a transit camp, the statistics actually improve – one less informal dwelling, one more achievement by government.

Throw in corruption that stalls RDP house allocation, tenderpreneurs who can gain from the building and maintenance of transit camps, and one has a powerful set of forces that have kept them in place.

The reality is that without pressure from below, once built, transit camps can remain for years, over ten years in some cases in South Africa. They have no official advocate and low priority in most bureaucracies. Perversely, even councillors who work studiously to end their location will not be rewarded electorally if residents are moved into RDP houses elsewhere.

Yet shack and transit camp dwellers work through a different social geography, one that enables survival through proximity to family, friends, and potential income generating opportunities in a city desperately starved of employment opportunities.

There are three rather modest commitments that local governments should make to redirect housing policy in a more pro-poor way.

• Greater emphasis should be placed on upgrading rather than removing shack settlements.
• No shack should be destroyed without residents being granted an acceptable RDP house or, as a last resort, temporarily moved to transit camps with a written guarantee of when they will attain a RDP house.
• Every resident of a transit camp must be given a written guarantee that they will access a RDP house within a year—and senior officials must commit themselves to honor such agreements.

In Isipingo, residents have marched and blocked roads to make visible their plight, as yet to no avail. But in a post-Marikana world, mechanisms that consider and genuinely engage with poor people, and thus rebalance the city’s social forces, must be urgently embraced.

Mark Hunter is Honorary Research Fellow at the University of KwaZulu-Natal and Associate Professor at the University of Toronto Scarborough.

SACSIS: The Psychological Cost of Living in an Informal Settlement: ‘Like a Mountain Fell on Me’

http://www.sacsis.org.za/site/article/1433

The Psychological Cost of Living in an Informal Settlement: ‘Like a Mountain Fell on Me’

by Anna Majavu

The “overwhelming adversity” they had to face daily as a result of living in an informal dwelling felt “like a mountain fell on me”, said one Cape Town resident.

Politicians from across the spectrum have lied to the public for years about their plans to “eradicate”, “upgrade” and “transform” informal settlements. They have forced communities out of informal settlements into equally horrible transit camps or temporary relocation areas, guaranteeing them a short stay before election promises kick in, only to abandon them for up to eight years in sub-human conditions. The DA, which rules over the Western Cape’s dumping grounds for the poor, and the ANC, which governs the rest of the country’s sub-human shack lands, have both failed to carry out any rudimentary housing programmes beyond their drop in an ocean, small-scale developments which do nothing to meet the mass demand for housing.

The recent killing by police of 34 miners in Marikana shone the international spotlight on the brutality of poverty in South Africa. But for the residents of Marikana’s informal settlement, the nightmare is not yet over. R24 million has been budgeted by government for an inquiry into what is already clear – that police killed the mineworkers. The Marikana informal settlement is by all accounts in desperate need of a R24 million upgrade but instead its residents are being treated to a new military occupation by the army. The sense of justice that the commission was supposed to bring has been neutralised by the continued actions of the police, who recently managed to kill ANC councillor Paulina Masuhlo “by accident”, after allegedly shooting randomly at the community for days.

Because of the sub-human living conditions they have been forced into, residents of informal settlements and transit camps are seen as less than human by police and criminals alike, who have become accustomed to treating these residents with the utmost cruelty.

This was highlighted in a recent study by Bryony Fell, Christel Mennette, Emily Elkington, Saabierah Towfie, Sue Drummond and Weslin Charles – a group of psychology masters students at the University of the Western Cape and Cape Peninsula University of Technology civil engineering lecturer Shaheed Mahomed. The study found that residents of informal dwellings suffer from severe psychological problems as a result of their living conditions. While the study focused on Cape Town’s transit camps – Blikkiesdorp (tin can town) and Happy Valley – its findings are likely to be relevant to all informal settlement residents.

The study found that residents showed “enormous resilience”, but were also plagued by problems such as a habitual inability to sleep because of the fear of crime at night – and the realisation that police were not there to help. They felt they were perceived as “dom en onnosel” (stupid and doltish) by the outside world because of their living conditions. After being abandoned for several years in what was supposed to be temporary housing, residents felt they had been made a joke of by government, and this shattered their confidence generally. They experienced feelings of extreme anger and desperation, isolation, distress and anxiety, which hampered attempts to create personal intimacy.

“The theme of overwhelming adversity was very strongly echoed. Participants sketched a picture of the numerous and seemingly insurmountable challenges that were part of their everyday experiences. These challenges affected all aspects of their being – physical, mental, psychological, social and spiritual,” the study reported.

The overwhelming adversity that comes with living in an informal dwelling felt “like a mountain fell on me”, said one participant.

Children were reported to be “blacking out” at times, seemingly from stress. With blankets and pillows soaking wet during the rainy season, parents had to cope with children being constantly ill or send their children to live elsewhere.

The participants also had harsh words for academics, complaining of unequal knowledge partnerships. Lots of overseas researchers come to Blikkiesdorp, but the results of their research are never shared, and these academic exercises did not benefit participants, the study reported.

The depression experienced by millions of informal settlement residents will not come to an end anytime soon without their fierce resistance to business as usual. The DA and ANC govern in an inappropriate fashion for the world’s most unequal country – spending public money on high-priced consultants, big salary bills for bloated administrations and on failed multimillion rand enticements for big corporations to set up mythical factories that will supposedly solve the jobs crisis. They have no political vision about eradicating inequality and are more likely to deploy the police and army to crush rebellions than to do anything to live up to their election promises.

The courts cannot be relied upon either to help do away with informal settlements, even though these dumping grounds contravene the right to dignity and safety. The Durban High Court last week ordered the eThekwini municipality to house – within three months – 37 families living in a transit camp near KwaMashu, Durban after the shack dwellers movement, Abahlali baseMjondolo and the Socio-Economic Rights Institute brought a case to court. But the court only did this because these families had been evicted from the Siyanda informal settlement three years earlier on the proviso that they be given proper houses within a year. The court had a problem with the fact that the eThekwini municipality had ignored the legal proviso, not so much with the conditions in the transit camp.

In 2009 in Cape Town, judges visited ‘Blikkiesdorp’ to vet the living conditions there after the city applied to evict a large group of people who had set up shacks alongside the busy Symphony Way road. Although the Symphony Way dwellers had refused to be moved to Blikkiesdorp because they had forged a better community on the roadside (and subsequently produced a book about their community), the court decided anyway that they would be better off in the transit camp.

It is tragic when people are forced to battle it out in court to prove to well-off judges that one dumping ground for the poor (the transit camp) is worse than another (the informal settlement). Politicians from the DA, ANC, and other parties have long had blind eyes when it comes to the horrible living conditions in the various dumping grounds for the poor. Transit camps, temporary relocation areas and informal settlements are now a fact on the ground. Unfortunately, their existence is no longer seen as a political dilemma or embarrassment — much less a human rights abuse by either the DA, the ANC or the judiciary.