Category Archives: Mandy de Waal

The Daily Maverick: Service failure: next step, silence the dissent

http://dailymaverick.co.za/article/2012-06-25-service-failure-next-step-silence-the-dissent

Service failure: next step, silence the dissent

The ANC is sitting to discuss party policy this week, but service delivery activists look set to have a sit-in of their own in the ruling party’s stronghold of KwaZulu-Natal. The Unemployed People’s Movement says it will occupy council offices in Umlazi near Durban, despite police action over the weekend to quash its protests and silence activists. By MANDY DE WAAL.

As members of the ANC in Kwazulu-Natal swell the ruling party’s policy conference in Midrand this week, trouble is brewing back in Jacob Zuma’s home province. Police in Umlazi, just outside of Durban, arrested service delivery activists in a move that’s brought condemnation from civic society, who say it is a government attempt to silent dissent.

Unemployed People’s Movement (UPM) activist Bheki Buthelezi was arrested early on Saturday morning (23 June) at his Umlazi home and taken to the local police station, where fellow activists say he was held without being charged. This was followed by the arrests of 18 other activists who, at the time of publication, had still not been charged.

“The arrests are a political conspiracy, because the police were instructed by municipal officials to arrest Comrade Bheki even though there isn’t a single valid charge, and there isn’t even a docket for his arrest,” says China Ngubane, a fellow activist. Ngubane adds that after Buthelezi’s arrest, police were heard phoning municipal officials to ask them what they should do with the people they had arrested.

Buthelezi was arrested first, and held for twelve hours before being released on R500 bail. A large group of protestors gathered outside the Umlazi Police station to demand his release shortly after he was taken into custody. A stand-off between the police and protestors ensued, with activists alleging that the SAPS were aggressive and threatening. After Bheki was released, the police rounded up some 18 other activists who are still in custody.

SAPS spokesperson Captain Thulani Zwane says Bheki was arrested during the early hours of Saturday morning and charged with intimidation, but admits he never saw a docket. “I don’t know how much bail he was released on,” Zwane acknowledges. “I haven’t seen the docket. But someone who is arrested on the charge of intimidation is usually someone who wants to assault someone, or who threatens someone. I don’t know why the docket isn’t available, but he is the only one of those arrested who has been charged right now. Buthelezi was charged with intimidating workers who were working on the highway at Umlazi.”

Ngubane says Buthelezi’s arrest follows a UPM protest march in Umlazi. “The protests were about the Zakheleni informal settlement (in Umlazi) which has no water, electricity, sanitation… this is the core issue and has been the issue we’ve had with the local government in Umlazi from 1992 until today.”

He says that local activists have tried to get a response from local government for years about the lack of basic amenities in Zakheleni, but memos, letters, and calls for engagement with officials have fallen on deaf ears. A protest march was held on Thursday 21 June, the movement says, in order to draw government attention to the plight of people in Zakheleni and local government’s alleged refusal to deal with the community. Bheki and other activists from the movement were arrested days afterward.

“Most of the people at Zakheleni are not employed – they are the most vulnerable and most marginalised, and are members of the Unemployed People’s Movement. We have been pleading with government to engage with us and listen to our needs. We want recognition from our leaders, but when we cry out they do not hear,” Ngubane explains, saying that the civic organisation has requested that Zakheleni’s local councillor, Nomzamo Mkhize, come and speak to the community.

However, Ngubane says that despite years of pleading, Mkhize refuses to engage with the people of Zakheleni. “Nomzamo Mkhize has been a councillor for the ward for over ten years, but has never spoken to any individual in the Zakheleni community. Our main issue is that if she doesn’t listen, what is the purpose of her being there?”

The Umlazi division of the UPM says that it will now take the protest to Mkhize. Ngubane says activists will now occupy Mkhize’s offices in an effort to demand change. “If she doesn’t cater for our concerns then what is her purpose? We are telling her to go.”

Ngubane, activists from Zakheleni, and members of the UPM say they have a long list of grievances against Mkhize, which start with her failure to hold a ward meeting to discuss problems at Zakheleni; failure to acknowledge community queries or written requests for information; and a failure to address service delivery issues and the lack of electricity, water and sanitation in the settlement. Activists further allege that the Umlazi councillor is engaged in nepotism.

In an ironic twist, the anti-poverty activists are using the strategies and slogans that the ANC used to conquer Apartheid. Ngubane says that the old struggle mantra “an injury to one is an injury to all” is been used by activist leaders to pull disparate political groupings in Umlazi together to rally against the lack of service delivery.

“We realise that politics and politicians are trying to divide us, and that there is a lot of strength in unity, so we are trying to fight this. We encourage people not to wear political regalia or uniforms, because we believe once you put that on you see yourself as separate, or you divide on party politics. We want people to be united against one common enemy – the lack of service delivery,” says Ngubane.

“We are beginning to realise that public politics is not serving the needs of the people, but that this populist government is failing us. The government is the one per cent, they are the elite and the government is serving this elite and not its people.”

Ngubane maintains that what he terms “government elitism” is a nationwide problem and that protests and calls to the ANC aren’t bringing results. “The only channel that is heard, the only time when we are seen is when we mobilise in the streets and burn tyres. We have tried peaceful protests and writing memos for the past ten years. But our letters are filed away and our memos are thrown in the bin.”

Umlazi’s UPM says that a deadline for engagement was given to local goverment, but says the time for negotiation has come and gone. The organisation says it will now occupy local government offices until such time as they can take over the running of local government themselves.

The ruling party has much to address during its policy conference, and the agenda will no doubt be dominated by Zuma’s next term of office – dubbed the “Second Transition”. Other policy matters up for discussion include the renewal of the ANC; economic transformation; social transformation; communication; as well as policy regarding legislature and governance.

KZN ANC members make up the biggest percentage of the ruling party (some 23%), and as this province pushes to get its way on policy, perhaps its leadership should take a side caucus to discuss what’s happening back home.

If they don’t do something soon they may have an insurrection on their hands by the time they get home.

Ayanda Kota: Unapologetic ANC apostate

http://dailymaverick.co.za/article/2012-02-07-ayanda-kota-unapologetic-anc-apostate

Ayanda Kota: Unapologetic ANC apostate

by Mandy de Waal

“I choose to identify with the underprivileged,” Martin Luther King once said. “I choose to identify with the poor. I choose to give my life for the hungry. I choose to give my life for those who have been left out of the sunlight of opportunity. I choose to live for those who find themselves seeing life as a long and desolate corridor with no exit sign. This is the way I’m going. If it means suffering a little bit, I’m going that way. If it means sacrificing, I’m going that way. If it means dying for them, I’m going that way.”

As poverty and unemployment activist Ayanda Kota speaks to Daily Maverick from Grahamstown, his words echo King’s sentiment as they crackle across the unsteady mobile connection. Founder of the Unemployed Movement’s People (UPM), Kota is heading out of town and into a nearby rural area to mobilise people to rise up against poverty. A people’s champion who is much maligned by the local ruling party and ANCYL for being a “traitor” – for daring to criticise – Kota accedes he could have chosen an easier path.

“Yes we could have chosen another road. A path of expensive whisky or building a R4-million rand house and getting fat on tenders… but we chose this road. This isn’t a road for sprinters, it is a long road when it comes to the question of fighting for our humanity,” Kota says matter-of-factly.

“Others have been down this road before us and we have seen what has happened to them. It is incredibly difficult if not gruesome. We know that travelling this road comes at a price, but we are prepared to pay even the highest price.”

Kota is not being overly dramatic. He’s merely stating the truth. In a political environment where party loyalty is everything, the leader of Grahamstown’s populist poverty movement is an unapologetic apostate. He’s the man who led a delegation of protestors to the Makana Municipality offices in the middle of that Eastern Cape town, and dumped buckets of human faeces at the entrance of ineffective local government. The point he made was as newsworthy and politically pointed, as it was fetid. Township people were fed up with using a bucket system to deal with their effluence.

A black consciousness adept who cut his political teeth in Azapo, Kota has a rare breed of activism that is proving more than inconvenient to local party people. “Ayanda is very articulate and he is well spoken,” says Rhodes University politics lecturer Richard Pithouse. “He has been a political activist for a large portion of his life, so he is well versed in political language. He is a very effective speaker and able to effectively think about how to grab hold of a situation and make something out of it so that it takes his political concerns to the fore.”

“Marches very quickly become normalised, but the Unemployed People’s Movement has been very effective in becoming noticed in different ways,” adds Pithouse, who explains that grass roots organisations often arrive with a splash but disappear soon after being repressed or because locals lose interest. “It does take a special kind of political skill to keep the pressure up and to keep people energised and interested,” he says.

Kota’s ability to capture the hearts and minds of Grahamstown’s poor, and his ability to keep consistent pressure on local government and party political structures isn’t making life any easier for him. The UPM founder often receives death threats and is harassed by the police, and last month he was arrested and brutalised. The charge against him? Not returning a couple of books.

Veteran journalist Mike Loewe of Grahamstown writes how Kota was charged by Rhodes University sociology lecturer Dr Claudia Martinez-Mullen of allegedly stealing her inscribed copies of The Communist Manifesto, The Antonio Gramsci Reader: Selected Writings 1916-1935 and The Marx-Engels Reader.

The charges were first made against Kota last August, but earlier this year when the activist was called to the local police station and voluntarily made his way there, he was beaten by six police officers. Pithouse, who accompanied Kota to the station, says that the investigating officer grabbed Kota who then raised his arm in defence. The police then started beating and kicking Kota until he was on the ground.

The attack took place in front of Kota’s six-year-old son who was distraught and became hysterical when he saw his father being attacked. Kota’s pants were then pulled down to his knees as the investigating officer belittled him by saying: “Look who is the newsmaker of the year now!” Kota was named Grocott’s Mail newsmaker of the year last year for frequently dominating the news in 2011.

“Ayanda has been under considerable pressure for a long time. He has been harassed by the police, his family has been harassed by the police, and he has been publicly threatened by the ANC Youth League on occasion. This has extended to death threats. The ANCYL’s hostility to Ayanda is long-standing,” says Pithouse.

But the politics lecturer says the harassment and intimidation of grass roots activists is hardly new or uncommon. “There are examples in Johannesburg, Cape Town and Durban of much worse intimidation and much worse behaviour on the part the police and ANC at a local level. Intimidation is very wide spread,” says Pithouse who adds: “There is just extreme intolerance to dissent from within the constituency that the ANC assumes the right to call its own. They don’t mind so much if it is someone from outside of what they assume to be their natural constituency, but everything they do is justifiable in the name of the black poor. But if a poor black person has credible support, is asking questions, and is organising protests, the response over the past 10 years has invariably been authoritarian.”

Pithouse explains that a lot of the animosity that local government and political types feel towards the likes of Kota has to do with identity. “People who are in the ANC or in local government want to see themselves as people who are doing the right thing, and fulfilling the aspirations of the struggle that brought them to power. It is very uncomfortable when they have to confront others who say that they are similar to people who were in power in the past,” he says.

“Instead of grappling with that, it is easier to revert to slander and repression. If you look at the songs used during the struggle, you will find that an organisation like the Unemployed People’s Movement will sing these during a protest. A lot of these songs are just the same anti-apartheid struggle songs that are now being directed at the ANC. However some of them are a lot more direct and are basically calling the ANC ‘black boers’,” says Pithouse. “At a personal level it must be very difficult for ANC and government people to deal with this.”

Psychologically it becomes much easier to employ conspiracy theories, to undermine the source of the inconvenient truth or to try and shut the source of your embarrassment up. The problem with Kota is that he’s not shutting up and he’s not going away. He’s a long distance runner and it appears his running the road he’s chosen to the bitter end.

“Yes we are disappointed in the ANC,” says Kota. “We thought that 1994 would bring democracy, but here we are with this sad state of affairs. But we can’t just be disappointed with the ANC. We must struggle and we must fight for our rights and the accession of our humanity. That is the only way that change will come to us if we want change.”

Kota doesn’t miss an opportunity to let the ANC know just how bitterly disappointed the UPM is with the ruling party’s leadership. In July last year, President Jacob Zuma was granted the freedom of the town and a road was renamed Dr. Jacob Zuma Road in his honour. Kota celebrated by penning an open letter to Zuma which, in part, read: “The Makana Municipality is a failed municipality. The needs of the people are not met, corruption is rampant and authoritarianism is worsening. Twenty thousand people remain without homes. When homes are built they fall down in the first storm. When a wall collapses people are given a plastic sheet to hang up. People go for months without water. Unemployment is at 60%. Activists are arrested on trumped up charges and given unconstitutional bail conditions that ban them from political activity. The thugs of the ANC Youth League close down meetings that they can’t control. A whole generation of youth live without hope. Your presidency is a failed presidency.”

“So many things are going wrong with this country,” Kota says as he rides out of Grahamstown to help stage another poverty protest. “I mean what is happening in the province of Limpopo? As citizens of this country, as people who love freedom and democracy, we have to fight to bring about change. I mean look at the Secrecy Bill. It calls upon us to undermine a natural democratic structure, and if we look at the bill itself it symbolises the death of democracy.”

“Our leaders become the very same cogs of those same machines that did bad things to them. They have become the nuts and bolts of the machine that is oppressing us today. These are the very same leaders that during the colonial struggle embodied the ethics, values and the content of the struggle. But today they are on the other side. They are telling us to go to our graves because the days of struggling are over. They say that if we continue to demonstrate we will be shot at, we will be arrested by the very same leaders who liberated us yesterday,” says Kota.

The activist says one of the biggest pains he feels is the complete disregard that today’s ANC has for the poor and the marginalised. “If you look at Black Economic Empowerment, it has just become a mechanism for plundering resources. The ANC has no respect or regard for the poor, they merely plunder our resources in a manner that is daylight robbery.”

Kota says the ANC’s honeymoon period is over and that the ‘Secrecy’ Bill confirms that a new authority is in place in South Africa. “In 1994 we never anticipated things would get quite so bad. Not even in my wildest nightmares would I have dreamt that the ANC would become what it is today.”

As township people fight for daily survival in Grahamstown, Kota says that for the most part, members of the ANC are afforded jobs, tenders and a place at the trough. This as township people struggle daily with crumbling houses, corruption, water taps that don’t work, the degrading bucket system, increased food prices, hunger, unemployment and the unending disappointment of political promises that fail to amount to anything.

Listening to Kota speak, there’s no trace of desperation, only resolute determination. He is the champion of a people who have had enough, who don’t have much to lose and will do whatever it takes to bring about change for the better. With or without the ANC’s help.