Category Archives: homophobia

eThekwini Municipality Goes Rogue, Illegally Evicts Residents

PRESS RELEASE
Socio-Economic Rights Institute of South Africa (SERI)
2 September 2013

ETHEKWINI MUNICIPALITY GOES ROGUE, ILLEGALLY EVICTS RESIDENTS

eThekwini demolishing shacks at Cato Crest despite undertaking to High Court

Yesterday and today the eThekwini Municipality has been evicting residents of Cato Crest informal settlement in violation of an undertaking it made to the Durban High Court last month.

Three weeks ago the municipality began demolishing the homes of shackdwellers at Cato Crest settlement without a court order, rendering a number of residents homeless. These residents have been left out of a housing development in the area ostensibly because they are tenants and “come from the Eastern Cape.” They are also, seemingly, being left out of legal protections against evictions. The Cato Crest residents were being assisted by Abahlali baseMjondolo member and Cato Crest housing activist Nkululeko Gwala until his death in an apparent assassination in June 2013. Gwala was exposing corruption in housing allocation at the Cato Manor housing development.

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SERI Cato Crest Press Release

NI Blog: ‘Don’t Agonize, Organize!’

http://blog.newint.org/majority/2010/05/27/africa-day/

‘Don’t Agonize, Organize!’

by Sokari Ekine

May 25th is Africa Liberation Day – a day for Africans to celebrate Africa? Or a day to reflect on the past and dream of the future? Officially – according to the Africa Union website – this year’s theme was ‘Building and Sustaining Peace Through Sport’ and I suppose this is referring to the World Cup in South Africa which starts in three weeks’ time. No-one can argue against the fact that sports can support peace-building and break down barriers. In Sierra Leone football was used to bring together previously warring factions of young men and the families of people who had been killed. I read somewhere that German and British troops took time off to play football on Christmas day during World War Two and then went back to killing each other the next day. So although there is a temporary feeling to sport in peace-building, it is a beginning too. Recently two lesbian football teams played in Khayelitsha township in Cape Town, South Africa, watched by some 200 male spectators, with the aim of ‘looking for respect’ and forming new friendships between the women and the spectators.

Being a lesbian can be a death wish in Khayelitsha, where a gay woman is seen as an affront to masculinity – a way of telling a man she is not for the taking – it’s safest not to let it show. So at the match there was more at stake than the satisfaction of winning.

With about 200 sceptical, smirking men in attendance, the players took to the dirt patch looking for respect. And as the smirks broadened into grins in the heat of battle and an epic overtime, respect is exactly what they got.

But a sustainable peace requires more than two hours of football or any other sport on a Saturday or Sunday afternoon. In 1996, on the eve of the new South African Constitution, Thabo Mbeki made a famous ‘I am an African’ speech in which he spoke about what it meant to be an African and – more importantly – who was an African. The speech was laden with reminders of ‘ancestors’ – the rich resources of the land and the diversity of races and ethnicities in South Africa.

‘The constitution whose adoption we celebrate constitutes an unequivocal statement that we refuse to accept that our Africanness shall be defined by our race, colour, and gender of historical origins. It is a firm assertion made by ourselves that South Africa belongs to all who live in it, black and white. It is this idea, the idea that South Africa belongs to all who live in it, an idea that is also there in the Freedom Charter of 1955, that we have to hold on to when there is any discussion of who is an African.’

Although Mbeki was speaking specifically of South Africa, the speech also spoke to the whole continent, from Tanger in the north to Cape Town in the south. And not unlike the failure of the South African constitution to live up to its inclusiveness and rights for all, the African Union has also failed in living up to its charter on human rights, respect for diversity and the right for every African to have citizenship. The late Tajudeen Abdul-Raheem, who was killed in a car crash a year ago, significantly always referred to Africa Day as Africa Liberation Day and I for one would like to especially remember this great Pan-Africanist who ‘spoke truth to power’.

As I think about the recent cruel and harsh 14 years’ sentence of hard labour for the Malawian couple, Steven Monjeza and Tiwonge Chimbalanga, Tajudeen’s words ‘Don’t Agonize, Organize!’ ring loud in my mind. In the year since his untimely death, African LGBTI people have struggled against increased homophobia. In Uganda, the proposed Anti-Homosexuality Bill prescribes the death sentence. In Burundi, homosexuality was made illegal for the first time in the country’s history. There has also been an increase in homophobic statements, particularly from religious leaders in Zambia, Tanzania, Nigeria and Kenya. So how do we celebrate Africa Liberation Day when large sections of the continent’s population are increasingly excluded from citizenship and human rights? When two people who love each other are punished with 14 years’ hard labour and not a single African leader speaks; not a single member of the women’s movement speaks? One group which has come out in solidarity is the Abahlali baseMondolo Youth League. I will end on their final comment, which speaks truth to power on the price of silence.

‘Some will say that they did not speak up when they came for the street traders because they are not street traders. Some will say that they did not speak up when they came for the shack dwellers because they are not living in shacks. Some will say that they did not speak up for the people born in other countries because they were born here. Some will say that they did not speak up for the full freedom of women because they are not women. Some will say that they did not speak up for Abahlali baseMjondolo because they never wore a red shirt. Some will say that they did not speak up for the Gays and Lesbians because they are not Lesbian or Gay.

The first price of our silence is that if we do not speak up for others then there will be no one left to speak up for us.

The second price of our silence is that an injury to one is always an injury to all. Gay and Lesbian people are our neighbours, our relatives, our colleagues, and our comrades. We must never forget that the struggle is connected in different ways.

Let us unite and defend the democracy that our forefathers and foremothers have fought for. Let us show the government and those who try to fight for their place in society by attacking others what real democracy is. Let us insist that Africa belongs to all who live in it.’

Africa Day Statement by the Abahlali baseMjondolo Youth League

Africa Day Statement by the Abahlali baseMjondolo Youth League

On 25th May 2010, the whole of Africa will be celebrating “Africa Day”.

Thinking about “Africa Day” we remembered the famous speech by Thabo Mbeki in 1996 when the new constitution was adopted – the speech when he said, “I am an African.”

I owe my being to the hills and the valleys, the mountains and the glades, the rivers, the deserts, the trees, the flowers, the seas and the ever-changing seasons that define the face of our native land.

My body has frozen in our frosts and in our latter day snows. It has thawed in the warmth of our sunshine and melted in the heat of the midday sun. The crack and the rumble of the summer thunders, lashed by startling lightening, have been a cause both of trembling and of hope.

The fragrances of nature have been as pleasant to us as the sight of the wild blooms of the citizens of the veld.

The dramatic shapes of the Drakensberg, the soil-coloured waters of the Lekoa, iGqili noThukela, and the sands of the Kgalagadi, have all been panels of the set on the natural stage on which we act out the foolish deeds of the theatre of our day.

At times, and in fear, I have wondered whether I should concede equal citizenship of our country to the leopard and the lion, the elephant and the springbok, the hyena, the black mamba and the pestilential mosquito.

A human presence among all these, a feature on the face of our native land thus defined, I know that none dare challenge me when I say—I am an African!

I owe my being to the Khoi and the San whose desolate souls haunt the great expanses of the beautiful Cape – they who fell victim to the most merciless genocide our native land has ever seen, they who were the first to lose their lives in the struggle to defend our freedom and dependence and they who, as a people, perished in the result.

Today, as a country, we keep an audible silence about these ancestors of the generations that live, fearful to admit the horror of a former deed, seeking to obliterate from our memories a cruel occurrence which, in its remembering, should teach us not and never to be inhuman again.

I am formed of the migrants who left Europe to find a new home on our native land. Whatever their own actions, they remain still, part of me.

In my veins courses the blood of the Malay slaves who came from the East. Their proud dignity informs my bearing, their culture a part of my essence. The stripes they bore on their bodies from the lash of the slave master are a reminder embossed on my consciousness of what should not be done.

I am the grandchild of the warrior men and women that Hintsa and Sekhukhune led, the patriots that Cetshwayo and Mphephu took to battle, the soldiers Moshoeshoe and Ngungunyane taught never to dishonour the cause of freedom.

My mind and my knowledge of myself is formed by the victories that are the jewels in our African crown, the victories we earned from Isandlwana to Khartoum, as Ethiopians and as the Ashanti of Ghana, as the Berbers of the desert.

I am the grandchild who lays fresh flowers on the Boer graves at St Helena and the Bahamas, who sees in the mind’s eye and suffers the suffering of a simple peasant folk, death, concentration camps, destroyed homesteads, a dream in ruins.

I am the child of Nongqause. I am he who made it possible to trade in the world markets in diamonds, in gold, in the same food for which my stomach yearns.
I come of those who were transported from India and China, whose being resided in the fact, solely, that they were able to provide physical labour, who taught me that we could both be at home and be foreign, who taught me that human existence itself demanded that freedom was a necessary condition for that human existence.

Being part of all these people, and in the knowledge that none dare contest that assertion, I shall claim that – I am an African.

I have seen our country torn asunder as these, all of whom are my people, engaged one another in a titanic battle, the one redress a wrong that had been caused by one to another and the other, to defend the indefensible.

I have seen what happens when one person has superiority of force over another, when the stronger appropriate to themselves the prerogative even to annul the injunction that God created all men and women in His image.

I know what it signifies when race and colour are used to determine who is human and who, sub-human.

I have seen the destruction of all sense of self-esteem, the consequent striving to be what one is not, simply to acquire some of the benefits which those who had improved themselves as masters had ensured that they enjoy.

I have experience of the situation in which race and colour is used to enrich some and impoverish the rest.

I have seen concrete expression of the denial of the dignity of a human being emanating from the conscious, systemic and systematic oppressive and repressive activities of other human beings.

There the victims parade with no mask to hide the brutish reality – the beggars, the prostitutes, the street children, those who seek solace in substance abuse, those who have to steal to assuage hunger, those who have to lose their sanity because to be sane is to invite pain.

Perhaps the worst among these, who are my people, are those who have learnt to kill for a wage. To these the extent of death is directly proportional to their personal welfare.

And so, like pawns in the service of demented souls, they kill in furtherance of the political violence in KwaZulu-Natal. They murder the innocent in the taxi wars.

They kill slowly or quickly in order to make profits from the illegal trade in narcotics. They are available for hire when husband wants to murder wife and wife, husband.

Among us prowl the products of our immoral and amoral past – killers who have no sense of the worth of human life, rapists who have absolute disdain for the women of our country, animals who would seek to benefit from the vulnerability of the children, the disabled and the old, the rapacious who brook no obstacle in their quest for self-enrichment.

All this I know and know to be true because—I am an African!

Because of that, I am also able to state this fundamental truth that I am born of a people who are heroes and heroines.

I am born of a people who would not tolerate oppression.

I am of a nation that would not allow that fear of death, torture, imprisonment, exile or persecution should result in the perpetuation of injustice.

The great masses who are our mother and father will not permit that the behaviour of the few results in the description of our country and people as barbaric.

Patient because history is on their side, these masses do not despair because today the weather is bad. Nor do they turn triumphalism when, tomorrow, the sun shines.

Whatever the circumstances they have lived through and because of that experience, they are determined to define for themselves who they are and who they should be.

We are assembled here today to mark their victory in acquiring and exercising their right to formulate their own definition of what it means to be African.

The constitution whose adoption we celebrate constitutes and unequivocal statement that we refuse to accept that our Africanness shall be defined by our race, colour, gender of historical origins.

It is a firm assertion made by us that South Africa belongs to all who live in it, black and white.

It gives concrete expression to the sentiment we share as Africans, and will defend to the death, that the people shall govern.

It recognises the fact that the dignity of the individual is both an objective which society must pursue, and is a goal which cannot be separated from the material well-being of that individual.”

This is the interesting part of his speech:

The constitution whose adoption we celebrate constitutes and unequivocal statement that we refuse to accept that our Africanness shall be defined by our race, colour, and gender of historical origins.

It is a firm assertion made by ourselves that South Africa belongs to all who live in it, black and white.

It is this idea, the idea that South Africa belongs to all who live in it, an idea that is also there in the Freedom Charter of 1955, that we have to hold on to when there is any discussion of who is an African.

This is the 5th year in which South Africa is holding the African Renaissance Festival in Durban. Africa and Africans have been discriminated for a long time and it is good that Africa and Africans are now celebrated. But can we speak about an African Renaissance when some people are being excluded from what it means to be an African in South Africa?

As we speak there is a case that is pending in Durban whereby one ANC councillor was involved in the attacking of the immigrants that came to South Africa to seek refuge. Is South Africa the best place to host this event, bearing in mind the way people from the African continent are being treated in this county? Is our government doing enough to protect our African brothers and sisters? As far as we know we are not because even those who are supposed to protect them are the very first people to torture them and arrest them if they don’t give them money. Where is Africa, where is the spirit of Ubuntu in all this? Is being African to be defined by colour, race, gender, class or nationality?

What happened to the idea that South Africa belongs to all who live in it? What happened to the idea that Africa belongs to all who live in it? What happened to the idea that our heroes should be those that fight for the full inclusion of everyone and never those that fight to exclude some people?

Right now two Malawian gays have been sentenced for 14 years for coming out. None of the African heads of state have stepped forward to condemn this doing of the Malawi government. When we ask why it seems that the answer is because they all believe that ‘being Gay is unAfrican’. But there are many Gay people in Africa and therefore it cannot be ‘unAfrican to be Gay’.

As the Youth of Abahlali baseMjondolo we are sending solidarities to that Gay couple who will face 14 years imprisonment for being who they are, having the courage to be open about who they are and to believe in what they believe in. It is so wrong that innocent people who have harmed no one are sent to jail while the criminals are being protected outside and allowed to continue abusing innocent people.

In conclusion we would like to argue to the poor community that we must be very aware of the price of our silence in these times.

Some will say that they did not speak up when they came for the street traders because they are not street traders. Some will say that they did not speak up when they came for the shack dwellers because they are not living in shacks. Some will say that they did not speak up for the people born in other countries because they were born here. Some will say that they did not speak up for the full freedom of women because they are not women. Some will say that they did not speak up for Abahlali baseMjondolo because they never wore a red shirt. Some will say that they did not speak up for the Gays and Lesbians because they are not Lesbian or Gay.

The first price of our silence is that if we do not speak up for others then there will be no one left to speak up for us.

The second price of our silence is that an injury to one is always an injury to all. Gay and Lesbian people are our neighbours, our relatives, our colleagues, and our comrades. We must never forget that the struggle is connected in different ways.

Let us unite and defend the democracy that our forefathers and foremothers have fought for. Let us show the government and those who try to fight for their place in society by attacking others what real democracy is. Let us insist that Africa belongs to all who live in it.

Aluta Continua…..!!!

For comment or further information please contact Zodwa Nsibande on 082 830 2707.

Urgency is now required in Uganda

http://www.blacklooks.org/2010/02/urgency-is-now-required-in-uganda.html

Urgency is now required in Uganda

by Sokari on February 23, 2010

In April 1994, Rwandan radio broadcast daily programmes calling on all Hutus to kill the Tutsis. The broadcasts went like this….

“Why do we hate the Tutsis? They are cockroaches…Rwanda is Hutuland. We are the majority. Tutsis are the minority. Hutus must kill all the Tutsis…Stay alert – watch your neighbours.”

In a chilling reminder of those broadcasts, yesterday Rainbow Uganda reported that two Ugandan radio stations had called on Ugandans to kill or attack any known Gay person.

Smart & NBS FM Radio Station in Uganda, has called up all Ugandans wherever they are to stand up a fight, kill or attack any known Gay person in the Country. ….. Please this is not good! It can even cause genocide

If we stand back and reflect on the past three / four years of the Ugandan Anti-homosexuality and Transgender campaign and in particular these past six months, we should not be surprised that we have now reached this point. Only last week, demonstrators marched through the streets carrying “Kill Gays” placards. Starting from 2005 – not the beginning but a good place to start. First there was the illegal raid of Victor Mukasa’s home in July 2005 following which he choose to sue the Ugandan Attorney General and subsequently spent almost a year in fear of his life and in hiding. He and Kenyan activist, Yvonne Oyoo finally won their case which took almost 3 years of sheer perseverance on the part of Victor and his supporters. In September 2007 and again in April 2009 the Ugandan tabloid, Red Pepper, published the names of gays and lesbians. In the April publication a number of Ugandan LGBT activists were also named including Victor Mukasa, Frank Mugisha and Kasha Jacqueline whose interview I published yesterday. In November 2007, a group of Ugandan LGBTI activists were evicted from the “People’s Forum” and later other activists from East Africa were physically prevented from entering the forum.

During the same period a film discussing homosexuality made by a Ugandan film company, Amakula was screened and anti-gay religious leaders held a press conference calling on the Commonwealth

“to not legislate for human wrongs. Homosexuality is an evil, which should never be discussed during Chogm. In Chogm meetings, we should advocate for them to change because the act is unnatural,” Bishop Niringiye said……The issue of rights of gays and lesbians was one of the recommendations in the Civil Society Statement to the Commonwealth Heads of State Meeting……Bishop Niringire said, “As a church, we are telling Commonwealth heads of governments to formulate value systems to solve the question of lesbianism and homosexuality being a human right.”

Again there the warnings were present but the silence remained.

In September 2008 two activists were arrested, tortured and held for one week without legal representation and later re-arrested. Last year, one of the arrested turned on his friends naming and denouncing them and claiming he was no longer gay. The placards at the time called for gays to be “kicked out of Uganda”. By this time many members of SMUG and other LGBTI activists were fleeing the country fearing for their lives. At the end of that post, I wrote

The Ugandan government is currently considering legislation that may increase already extreme criminal penalties for consensual homosexual relationships and make LGBT organizing and “recruitment,” whatever that might be, illegal.

In October last year, the Ugandan Parliament passed a resolution allowing David Bahati to submit a private member’s bill for the purposes of

“strengthening the nation’s capacity to deal with emerging internal and external threats to the traditional heterosexual family”, that “same sex attraction is not an innate and immutable characteristic”, and “protect[ing] the cherished culture of the people of Uganda, legal, religious, and traditional family values of the people of Uganda against the attempts of sexual rights activists seeking to impose their values of sexual promiscuity on the people of Uganda”

In the past six months the campaign has become more hateful and increasingly violent in tone and actions as yhe religious supporters of the Bill, both in Uganda and in the US become more and more brazen. There will become a point of critical mass when they no longer need to speak as they have willfully set in motion the killing spree.

The point of of the above trajectory is not to say that the radio broadcasts were inevitable – I dont think they were. But it is to place the calls to kill LGBTI people in a historical context, one that with hindsight could lead in that direction. But more so to state that we need to heed the warnings and put an end to the relative silence before people are murdered. Despite the considerable high profile the Bill has received in the mainstream media and blogosphere, there has been negligible response from human rights organisations or governments. African countries have been silent. Academia has been silent. So called African feminists and women’s organisations have been deafeningly silent. Only last week I was at a workshop in Accra when women expressed fear of claiming feminism in case they would be labeled the dreaded L-word – but where satisfied when reassured that the two could be mutually exclusive. Religious institutions have not been silent. On the contrary as unbelievable as it is to imagine religious institutions leading a hate campaign and inciting violence – it is they who lead the campaign.

As early as 2007, IGLHRC reported on the link between US evangelical churches and the growing homophobia in Uganda. Again in December last year I wrote two posts – here and here – on the US Christian connection. In fact the only group that have made a statement are the Abahlali Shackdwellers movement in Durban who themselves are under attack from the South African state.

Are all the people that make up these groups and institutions going to remain silent while Ugandan citizens are killed because of their sexuality and sexual preferences? Will they then sit by when the same thing happens in Malawi, Senegal, Kenya and Nigeria? At what point will they begin to see a pattern called genocide is taking place? How easy is it for people to consume this inhumanity? A post on World Pulse last week suggested that “Homosexuality is the new Apartheid: Silence is a global consensus” and points out the need to “elevate the debate to one of personal experience.

The basis of the human rights declaration is that contempt for our rights should not result in barbarous acts which outrage the conscience of mankind. There is far too much evidence of such acts already, so why actively allow more to be perpetrated under rule of law? How are we to evolve and progress society, if fear and obstruction is allowed commonplace. If homosexuality is the new apartheid – the absolute degradation of a part of society, the clear and conspicuous ostracizing of people based on sexual orientation. Its almost absurd to imagine this could be common place, yet it is. Even across America, a democratic society, voters have the right to oust minorities from access to legislation and basic rights under the law i.e. to be legally married, to live a life together to in mere fact – just get on with it.

But there is more than a will to dominate and oppress [see definition of Apartheid] in the hate campaign being conducted in Uganda – one gets the feeling that other countries like Malawi, Kenya are playing a wait and see game, ready to enact their own hideous laws. The campaign has now moved to legislating murder whether through the Bill itself or by inciting people on the streets to out and kill their neighbours. From where I am sitting and what I am feeling and all of us who actually believe in the concept of inclusive rights but particularly those of us who are LGBTIQ people is to quote my friend, Dan “calls for help at best receive tacit, discrete and polite responses, from their so-called allies.” Urgency is now required in Uganda.